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The revising literary research into Norse and Nordic
traditions, as initiated by the late Heinz Ritter-Schaumburg, PhD, might motivate
not only experts in Late Antiquity and pre-medieval times to take note of some
new interesting context: The Nordic 'Þiðreks Saga' and
Old Swedish 'Didriks chronicle', closely related to the saga of Dietrich von Bern,
seem to throw back certain narrative light from Frankish history provided by
Gregory of Tours, Fredegaire, and the 'Chronicle of Frankish Kings'.
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Contradicting to scholastic
conviction, Ritter has evaluated the medieval Old Swedish texts he shortly called
Svava, catalogued as Skokloster-Codex-I/115&116
quarto,
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Nevertheless, regarding a circumspect re-evaluation of all
afore mentioned and other known records of occidental antiquity, we have to consider
a sharp natural limit that was forming the big border between the Roman Empire
and Germanic tribes, and, later again, the Franks and Saxons: The Rhine.
Apparently, our Frankish chroniclers would not cross that river to have
a look at the outlandish folks beyond; and almost all their foreign colleagues
seem to have left a blank sheet about their history, particularly from
the times after the downfall of the Roman Empire to Charlemagne.
The original narrative geography Heinz Ritter's Nordic Rhine Map
may impart to us a terminological impression of the contemporary central Rhine
border-land, the result of his diligent verification of the textual location and river names
of that area.
With respect to the localization of the Region
of Bern, 5th to 6th century, the
1st Century Roman Eiffel Map
by Kurt Stade,3 Prof PhD, shows for instance two
traditional locations of noteworthy contextual importance:
Breinig
('Breinigerbg.')
at the exceptional Gallic-Roman temple site VARNE. Although the contemporary Roman
name of Breinig was not handed down, Otto K. Schmich has estimated a derivation
basing on Varneniacum - Bareniacum - Bereniacum.4
Rimburg
('Rimbg.'),
being estimated to represent different Norse and Nordic spelling forms
of 'Ram-', 'Raam-' for a fortressed place 'burg' (bg.) that must be not
far from Bern through the context of the MSS.
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Since Heinz Ritter has thoroughly translated the
Old Swedish Didriks chronicle and reviewed the Thidreks saga MSS, we might conclude
that Saxony and Jutlandish territories, both belonging to important narrative areas,
were home location of the first eyewitnesses and medieval historiographers who
forwarded remarkable events related to a king of obvious Rhine-Frankish descent. |
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An ancient seal of Trier on the Moselle (11th century). |
Nonetheless, we must carefully study their records to
find some synchronous or completing passages about Frankish Rhine politics
of 5th and the first third of 6th century. Regarding
the Rhine again as dominant natural and cultural border, however, they seem
to have had nearly the same limited geographical horizon of recitation as
their Frankish colleagues vice versa. Thus, besides
primal
geographical terminology, we have to consider the Nordic writers' farthest
known southern centre ROME as 'Roma secunda',
whose spelling, localization and significance is unmistakably provable as the
Roman Augusta Treverorum5
through some historical texts. However, we should not expect
a detailed recitation of the Merovingian bloodline from Didrik's 'biographers'
who certainly were not crossing the Meuse westwards (thus providing
fragmentary views), but we should keep an eye on the right sequence of more
than 300 chapters written by the scribes of the Didriks chronicle and
Thidreks saga.
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King Theuderic I = King Didrik of Bern ?
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Kemp Malone, Prof PhD, and Karl Simrock, Prof PhD, eminent
translator of the Nibelungenlied MSS, identified 'Dietrich von Bern' as Theuderic I.
However, they did not provide detailed studies supporting their opinion.
We must state deficient biographical information about the young Theuderic, mentioned as most talented son of Clodovocar I or 'Clovis' in the texts written by Bishop Gregory of Tours, principal Frankish chronicler whom we have to credit with truth telling, and who certainly appears more informative than the pseudonymous Fredegaire. Unfortunately, Gregory has not left a line to find the answers to these urgent questions about King Clovis' first son: |
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Fact is that King Clovis could rely on Theuderic for
difficult and hazardous missions, eg against the Visigoths. On the subject
of this operation, the chronicles reveal that only the powerful appearance
of King Theodoric the Great could stop the splendid campaign of Theuderic.
Nonetheless, we may wonder whether he was discriminated against his
favourable brothers Chlotar, Childebert and Chlodomer, whose mother was the
honourable Saint Clotilde of Burgundian dynasty; and we may also wonder
whether Theuderic trained his skilfulness and sophistication by keeping
out of King Clovis' vulgar ways. Thus, we may consequently ask:
Did that young-aged man rather turn to an adventurous eastern
border area of the Franks? We must think of great possibility that he could
have received a certain part of Rhine-Frankish land as operation base and
place of residence from his father and/or the local leader of
Francia Rinensis, that part of land which Theuderic actually
inherited later as part of Austrasia:
Bern, apparently being proved as location
between German towns Aachen and Bonn, was an excellent geographical centre
of that area, the best place for both Theuderic or Didrik to start any
exiting exploration into the dangerous depth of miraculous Lower Saxon
woodlands, where all those Roman Eagles were driven back or torn into bits
and pieces just a few centuries ago. Bern was best place for the young
Theuderic to observe Rhine-Frankish residence of Cologne and a good place
for King Didrik to ride out to his good friend King Atala ('Attala',
'Atilius') who was residing some dozen miles away at the most important
settlement of Lower Saxony: Susat – Soest.
However, referring again to both questions above,
we are leaving at this point Gregory's horizon of recitation for barbaric
outland.
It has been considered that - Didrik, Rhine-Frankish King, died about 535
according to Ritter's
schedule;
The MSS provide that one day the fierce 'Ermenrik',
a mighty southern ruler, expelled young King Didrik from Bern who immediately
went into King Atala's exile. At this instant, we may finally ask the observers
of Merovingian history: Would Theuderic have acted against the politics
of King Clovis or his loyal Frankish vassals if he is Didrik who had appointed
Sigfrid, sturdy son of a king dwelling somewhere in farthest Saxony, as
new ruler of a certain Rhine-Eiffel area, but doing so without asking those
certainly outraged Frankish chiefs? Would that Theuderic thereafter run
a risk to militate against a mighty Frankish leader with Saxon aid like
Didrik, who really made an attempt against Ermenrik, his kinsman but not
father, at a place called 'Gransport' or 'Gronsport' on the Moselle's mouth?
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The panoramic copperplate engraving made by
Möbius in 1820 provides a view from the east bank of the Rhine to the hills of
traditional Hunnenkopf ('Huns Head' field) on the left. The Moselle's mouth
on the right appears as a lake (= Germ: See) in high-water times. |
More literary facts are:
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Heinz Ritter estimated the birth of Didrik about 470,
whereas King Clovis is believed to be born a half decade before him. Since this
circumstance might appear as predominant item contradicting to Didrik's
sameness with Theuderic I, revising research regards the Frankish chroniclers'
genealogy of early Frankish kings Meroveus, Clodio, and even Childeric,
as insufficient: As Gregory shows in an early book of his Frankish History,
he seems to have no confirmed pedigree information especially about both
first named kings, and thus he rather uses a meagre ‘Some people say’-phrase
for them. By the way, Gregory remarks Theuderic' son Theudebert being
already sturdy at that time when King Clovis died (Frankish History III, 1).
Since there is also clear indication in Thidreks saga that Didrik's
father died young, Clovis however could have (should have!) adopted ‘Thetmar's
son’ with respect to early territory sharing that apparently had been made
for co-existing Ripuaria, the later formed territorial expression
for the 'Rhinish' Franks.
Regarding Didrik's as well as Theuderic's bloodline over a
band of three generations, all male names being recorded are strikingly beginning
with 'Th', but not with any other letters. Theuderic's line (Theuderic -
Theudebert - Theudebald) is outstandingly unique with a view to all the other
Merovingian branches wherein we typically meet kingly names formed with capital
'C'. Apart from the facts that Gregory would not mention Theuderic's date of
birth, and the early Frankish kings habitually have not ascended the throne as
son of any heathen concubine, we rather can effortlessly recognize corresponding
'Th…' name-giving in the bloodlines given by the Nordic scribes and Gregory's
Frankish history through obvious clear-cut ancestral tradition.
Theuderic's mission to the Visigoths and Burgundy to satisfy Clovis (that has been stopped finally by Theodoric the Great) is related to that very time-frame of nearly one decade wherein Didrik was expelled from Bern. So Ermenrik, Didrik's uncle and king of Roma II, the metropolis that only a short time before was known as largest colonia on the north side of the Alps, consequently had good reason to follow Theodoric's standpoint and decision (to put the Frankish Theuderic harshly in his special place at the end of 5th or beginning of the next century) as mightiest executor of Ripuaria! |
The Svava relates that Ermenrik's advisor Sevekin was contributing
this important speech on Didrik: |
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It seems implausible that the crafty Clovis was not aware of the
consequences of Theuderic's military action against the Visigoths whose dynasty
was closely related with Theodoric the Great. We thus may impute to the mightiest
Frankish leader that he was certainly right to stay away, to have calculated upon
Theuderic's failure, and to have reckoned with his potential follower being finally
deprived of his power. Incidentally, we are talking about the same time-frame of
one decade wherein Gregory has placed the removal of Sigebert of Cologne!
He has been identified with Sigfrid of Saxony, another good friend of Didrik as
well as brother-in-law of the Niflunga brothers who certainly had good reason to
serve the politics of Ermenrik for the chance to take over or administrate the Eiffel
lands of Didrik. After a quarter of a century, as both Ritter's time-table of the Svava
and archeological discoveries of Westphalian Soest seem to provide as circumstantial
evidence, the Niflungs – or Frankish invaders – felt strong enough to make war against
the Lower Saxons which the Nordic texts call Hunas!
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On the other hand, the Lament of Deor (Book of Exeter)
wishes to substantiate this relation to the |
| Þeodric ahte þritig wintra
Mæringa burg; þæt wæs monegum cuþ. Þæs ofereode, þisses swa mæg! |
Theodric had thirty winters
Mæringa burg; that was known to many. That went by ... ! |
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This strophe complies with a tendentious retrospective view to
King Atala's residence Susat, the Westphalian Soest, that belonged to the Franks
at the end of 6th century.
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Since the Didriks chronicle or the Svava and its ‘derived
epic novel Thidreks saga’, as Ritter prefers this literary classification (cf
Der Schmied Weland, posthumously published by Olms company,
Germany, 1999), like to put forward some coherent historical information and
relations upon large territories of today's Mid and Northern Europe, we accordingly
should assume with him that these writings would basically not prefer depiction of
any less important provincial antics – insofar as the recording people actually had
an idea of them – against more reasonable reports on superior events. When evaluating
Ritter's chronological schedule and the momentous context of the Nordic
MSS on such level, we might come soon to the final impasse of not enough
geographical as well as personal space for Theuderic on the one hand, and Didrik
on the other if assuming them as different individuals. Therefore, the
factual creditability of the Svava and Thidreks saga generally seems to depend on
compatibility and consistency to approvable recognition basing upon cautious
reviews of other trustworthy records. |
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Gregory of Tours apparently put forward either rumoured or, more
likely, intentionally unsatisfactory information about Theuderic's descent: On the one
hand, he considers him well as pre-eminent son of Clovis, but on the other, he would not
satisfyingly recite a supporting scale of examples. The more we closely follow Gregory
to Clovis and Theuderic, the more queries we get. Nonetheless, our Frankish
chronicler seems to suggest firmly that Clovis could make without Theuderic all those
Frankish conquests between the Meuse and the Atlantic coast.
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Gregory obviously intended to
suppress important biographical information about Theuderic. This might be no
accident regarding the very same as to Clodio, the early Ripuarian dynasty in the
very dark shadow of Gregory's brightly shining early Merovingians, and Albero
of Mons (420 - 491), whom Emil Rückert, PhD, cites as Clodio's most influential
son and brother-in-law of Theodoric the Great – a fact that obviously forbids to
underrate the historical position of that 'Auberon' or any of his close kinsmen!
Rückert identifies Frankish King Clodio as father of Audefleda
by means of local Frankish records. He is not regarding Jordanes, less chronological
writer of a Gothic historia that conveys Frankish King Lodoin
(cf 'cLodio') as her father who, however, cannot be taken evidently for
Childeric if strongly considering spelling derivation as well as the names of Lodoin's
sons (Celdebert, Heldebert, Thiudebert) provided by the historian of the Goths.
Thus, Jordanes rather might have forwarded some confusing name of Frankish kings'
offspring. |
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Following Emil Rückert, Albero's relative Theodoric
was called out King of the East Goths at that very time when Didrik was born
according to Ritter's schedule – a correlation that seems to substantiate Theodoric
as Didrik's godfather. And, actually, there is a trail from Clodio's son Albero to
the ownership of Samson castle through old telling on Brabant and 'Hannonia'
the author could remark in his book Die Nibelungen – Dichtung und
Wahrheit from source research by Emil Rückert. (Incidentally
addressing to Gregory, his Nordic colleague of the Membrane text
remarks in chapter 9 that the mother of Samson's son Thetmar was a concubine.)
Considering some coherent context at this instance, Samson and his descendants
might appear less Merovingian but more Ripuarian, as this will certainly
correspond with undeniable geographical point of view.
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Which are the Ripuarian dynasties ? The records about local Hannonian history cited by Emil
Rückert interestingly allow to be seen that the Merovingian kings Meroveus
and, subsequently, Childeric have tolerated Clodio's descendants to administrate
obviously no other regions than partially those of today's Netherlands
and Belgium, and the large Eiffel lands between the Meuse and the Rhine:
Ripuaria which, however, expired at that very time when Merovingian King
Clovis once had time to look over the lands beyond the Meuse and to engage
the murderers of Sigebert, the last king of Ripuaria. Thereafter
this territory of unquestionable strategic importance was forwarded
as Austrasia to a son of 'any heathen concubine' (as Gregory forwards),
but not to any of King Clovis' legal sons!
Could a splendid planning Theuderic or Didrik, oath-breaker
against Sigfrid in a case of honour, take later revenge on his kinsman Ermenrik
(cf the 8th item) without using an army of his own folk? Did
one of them pretend beyond the Rhine to be still an expelled king, since
one of them could not motivate Franks to fight against Franks? The
Nordic writers report on Didrik's attack against Ermenrik at a place
called Gränsport to which he came with an army from Saxon King Atala. We
nonetheless should reconsider here Gregory of Tours' less comprehensive
timetable merely rendering the information that after Clovis' death his four sons
have shared the kingdom of the Franks among themselves.
Samson, Didrik's grandfather as well as identically spelled Salian location, actually seem to be the key players. The records about the early Frankish history of Brabant and Hannonia let also raise the question whether Lord Samson left Salernae rather compulsorily as an important pioneer of a kingdom that Gregory called Ripuaria.7 |
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The Roman fort
of Samson is an exceptional ancient building in Salian region. The text on
the left is photographic quotation from the visitor information board at
Samson village.
7 Ritter remembered King Clovis as he was reconsidering the mightiness of Ermenrik, but he would not ascribe Samson and his descendants to the Merovingians, regarding also his conclusion that Lord Samson rather had to give up 'Salernae'. |
Some authors, for instance Otto Klaus Schmich, raise the
objection that narration by Thidreks saga would not be related mainly to
5th century and first third of the next for the most part, rather
be referring to events to be dated earlier for at least one or two centuries.
Regarding those Thetmars in Samson's line to this item, we actually can
find an earlier Frankish king who was spelled fairly identically with those
Nordic Thetmars: King Theudemer de Thérouanne (374 - 414).
Possibly semi-legendary, as some historian
would judge him, he was noted as spouse of Blésinde de Cologne.
Theudemer, titled magister militum in 383 and
consul in 384, is
expressively mentioned at both Gregory's Frankish History (II, 9) and
Fredegaire as an early Frankish king, and Clodio's predecessor by the
latter. That Theudemer was supposedly congenial with
Jovinus, a Gallic senator who, on instigation of the Burgundians, misleadingly
claimed to be Roman Emperor from 411 to 413 before he finally was captured
and executed. Clodio's predecessor is believed to have shared the same
fate with that Jovinus. |
The Genealogy of Piat-Herrero provides the bloodline of
Theudemer, son of King Richemer de Thérouanne, who was also captured and
executed with his spouse by the Romans, to remarkable extent. That data notes
Theudemer's son and successor Clogio (Clodio) as 'Le Cheveulu' ('the Longhaired').
Since his lifetime is roughly estimated from 400 to 450, he appears as contemporary
of Samson by Ritter's schedule. Clodio is chiefly known as conqueror of some
western lands on the Somme and of Cambrai which he later forwarded to one of his
sons (notably E. Rückert). Would Clodio's environment thus be of interest
in order to detect Samson on the subject of Piat-Herrero's and other sources'
comprehensiveness and reliability? Nonetheless, the political failure of both
Jovinus and King Theudemer might provide a good example that the Romans
would not have tolerated those vast and manifested conquests initiated
by Samson and continued by his loyal son Ermenrik in the times before the
first decades of 5th century – until that point in time when
Aëtius, the great Roman
Magister militum, could destroy Burgundy
in Germania superior finally with Hunnish warriors.
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A view to the time 'post Aëtius' nevertheless allows
to detect 'the Roman Eagle being bled white' on the Upper and Middle Rhine. Thus, at the
beginning of the second half of 5th century, the first Ripuarian Franks
could seize the opportunity to enlarge their territory over the Eiffel to the Rhine. |
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King Sigebert = King Sigfrid the Nibelung ? Gregory let us know that King Clovis supported his cousin
Sigebert of Cologne against the Alemannians on Zülpich location. The
Nordic scribes inform us that Rhine-Frankish King Sigfrid was brother-in-law
and neighbour of King Gunnar, ruler of the 'Niflungs', at the same place and time by
Ritter's schedule.
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This is verbatim quotation about King Sigebert of Cologne from
History of the Franks, II, 40, as recorded in Latin by Gregory of Tours:
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The Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga seem to
complete Gregory's report on Clovis and Sigebert. These are the most important items
considering the view of the Nordic scribes:
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Thus, the dead Cloderic seems to be Gregory's and Clovis' subject,
since the first retells us that the latter needs him for the folk to give them
fallacious reasoning of the murderous plot – whereas the dead Sigfrid appears as
remaining subject of the assassins and the Nordic scribes who
inform us that the murderers need him to shock Grimhilde with revenge.
The Svava and Membrane writers have indirectly proved
both the identity of the assassins and the area of 'Babilonia' as Cologne8
being related to Sigfrid and his realm on occasion of the Nibelungs' fatal march to their
sister Grimhilde: When their rearguard, commanded by King Gunnar and Hagen, was
approaching the opposite bank of the Rhine at Duna Crossing just a few miles to the
north of that fortressed town, Hagen slew the ferryman on board and apologetically
said to his protesting half-brother Gunnar:
»He shall not tell where we are going to.«
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| A short time later Hagen met a foreign guardian on the eastern banks
of the Rhine, and that man called Eckivard warned him with these words:
»I'm wondering how you've come along here, because you're Hagen, King Aldrian's son, who has killed my lord, Young-lord Sigfrid. Look out as long as you're in Hunaland 9! Many people are keeping here hostility against you.«
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Regarding the murderous plot on Sigfrid and Sigebert, Gregory does
not explicitly narrate the same circumstances of death as the Nordic scribes,
however.
How far can we follow Gregory beyond the Rhine?10 After evaluating the records on the Frankish-Thuringian war at
Quedlinburg Monastery Archives, Dr Reinhard Schmoeckel was able to state by his book
Deutsche Sagenhelden und die historische Wirklichkeit (published
by Olms company, Germany, 1995) that Gregory was basically not reporting a similar
version as he was remembering that war on location in Central Germany!
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Both kings Sigfrid and Sigebert were surely popular
in large regions on both sides of the Rhine. The place of Sigfrid's
hoard, his 'treasure cave', might prove Saxony as the owner's
homeland. Incidentally, J. Baptiste Gramaye, chronicler of
Antiquitates Brabantiae, Nivella p.3 n.9, notes
'Sigibertus et Moringus in vita S(anta) Wiberti'.
Nevertheless, both Sigfrid and Sigebert seem of Merovingian descent
and thus kinsmen of Clovis who proclaimed the same to the Ripuarian folk.
The Nordic writers correspondingly noted down Sigfrid's mother as daughter
of King 'Nidung' who ruled the Hesbaye (cf Sv 148-152), a former Salian
area that nowadays belongs to Belgium. As the author could remark in his book
Die Nibelungen – Dichtung und Wahrheit
by means of Emil Rückert's research into Frankish onomastics of the
Merovingians,11 the position of King 'Nidung', Old Nordic name
for 'hater', seems to be reserved for King Meroveus ('Moroveus', 'Morung',
'Morvung'), the father of 'ORTVANGERIS', as this spelling might
undoubtedly mean a son of
The Thidreks saga and Didriks chronicle provide an
interesting geographic detail by chapter Mb 62): |
| 'A king named Nidung was ruling Jutland, that part which is called Thiodi ...',
while the Old Swedish chronicler notes well in chapter 59:
'... He (Weland resp Velent) was finally washed ashore Jutland; a king named Nidung was there ...'. |
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Has the first Merovingian already been ruling some territory
outside of Salia, particularly Frisian coastland up to the north-western cap of Jutland?
Fredegaire tries a rejoin with an interesting metonymy. The founder of
the Merovingians, as he narrates, was a bizarre individual that came across
the sea to have a son with the spouse of Frankish King Clodio: The mythical
Minotaur thus as the very best creature for the impressing horns on a furry
alien helmet of a fierce or unfathomed Nordic
A concerted effort to synchronize some apparently analogous or
completing pattern from Frankish chronicles, Hannonian records of local history, and
Svava plus Thidreks saga/Membrane, may result in the following chart of early
Merovingian and Frankish genealogy. Its predicate is also endorsed by Mb 9:
'... King Samson further fathered with his concubine another son who was named
Thetmar after his (Samson’s) father-brother ...'.
Thus far, the above remembered Theudemer seems to meet the
demand on corresponding historical, chronological and genealogical environment.
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| FILIATIONS
The pseudo-Fredegaire of c. 660 notes that
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However, the 'Chronicle of Frankish Kings', known as the
Liber Historiae Francorum or the Gesta regnum Francorum of 726/727,
ascribes Clodio to son of Faramond, son of Marchomir to whom the liber's writer(s)
draw on certain Trojan narrative from the Priam and Antenor Legend. |
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Christian Settipani, of Augustan Society Inc., eminent historian and
genealogist of Charlemagne's Ancestry (Les Ancestres de Charlemagne;
Editions Christian, Paris, 1989), orders these Frankish records in accordance with
this academic rating:
»Nowadays, it is pointless, I hope, to say
anything about the legend of the Trojan origins denounced by good scholars since
14th century as an absurd fable and which is only a literary creation …
It is self-evident that Fredegaire had interpolated Gregory at this place, but he could
have done so with good evidence or according to the oral tradition. So, if we had
absolutely to choose between Fredegaire's and the Liber's version, we would prefer
that of Fredegaire.«
(from Christian Settipani's addenda of 1990 at http://www.rootsweb.com/~medieval/addcharlENG.pdf [2005].) |
Ermenrik and Samson |
Reinhard Schmoeckel, recently turning to suspect esoteric
research of Thidreks saga however, underlined that Alfred Anscombe, British
Historian, has already introduced Eormenric (Ritter's Ermenrik) intriguingly by
The Widsith. Anscombe detected him on that very same location
close to the later German Westphalia that Ritter actually specified about
half-a-century later.
Moreover, the discussion and research initiated by Anscombe provided Ermenrik as |
| ‘... an uncle of Theodric, king of the Francs, maternal cousin of
Aetla, son of Budla, king of Germanic Hunas by Widsith and Beda Venerabilis
...’.
(Alfred Anscombe: The historical Side of the old English Poem “Widsith”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, III. Series, Vol IX, pp 123 - 155, cf p. 138.) The Times, literary supplement of May 20, 1920, thereupon published an expert's letter to the editor with these conclusive words, ‘Its consequences are poisonous to research.’ |
Ritter has expressively considered the libri Teutonici
of certain connotation. An author referring to this edition was Flodoard (894 - 966),
historiographer and archivist at the cathedral of Reims for the most time of his life.
He is known as creditable writer, especially by means of his ecclesiastical chronicle
of Reims. As Schmoeckel cites, Flodoard left a passage taken from a letter
that archbishop Fulco wrote under political strain between Charles the
'Simple-minded' (called out by unction from Fulco for making him counter-king
against King Odo) and Arnulf, king of the eastern Franks, to the latter in 893.
In it, Fluco forwards some warning arguments to Arnulf, and he also refers to
this example as reminding him about the history of his dynasty:
'... subicit etiam ex libris Teutonicis de rege quodam
Hermenrico nominee, qui omnem progenium suam morti destinaverit impiis
consiliis cuiusdam consilarii sui ...'
'... he (Fulco) subjects to further item from the Teutonic books a certain king named Hermenric, who destined all his progeny to die by impious counsel from one of his counsellors ...' |
Whom is Fluco remembering? Apart from the real Ermanaric I,
is he that Odoacer who retrospectively has been taken for 'Ermanaric II' since he was killed
by Theodoric the Great? Or does Fluco just mean that mighty chief of 'Roma secunda'
who killed his offspring on recommendation of his impious advisor, and who actually was
former king of that very territory that now belonged to Arnulf? If the archbishop
bears in mind the latter, he might have given enough personal attributes.
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Regarding Ermenrik's ancestry, the above given synchronizing
chart complies with recorded narration that Albero of Mons, persistently claiming
some Salian land as dominant son of Clodio by Rückert's research, was
successively the right legal heir of Samson('s) castle, as this detail might be
unquestionably based on his great-uncle's emigration by means of the Svava and
Thidreks saga. Another more or less significant buttress might be ancestral
name forwarding by an interesting nexus between Theudemer's father RICHEMER
(related with French spelling) and Samson's son Ermenrik (related
with Nordic spelling) through simple half-word interchange: EMER-RICH (ch = k).
Samson met 'Thetmar', the brother of this father, accidentally after the
first had slain the noble brothers Brunstein and Rodger. That certainly
kingly Thetmar, bearing a golden lion on his red shield (Mb 5), came to aid his
explicit nephew whose murderous coup had become
known (Sv 4, Mb 5). Thus, Samson unquestionably might have
had good reason to remember him factually with name forwarding to one of
his later born sons. |
Samson's father is not that King Arthur whom the
Samson saga fagra
loves to expose to some light of Lancelot romance. Furthermore, regarding
Ritter's schedule, we cannot reconsider here the Thidreks saga MSS mentioning a
king spelled 'Arkimannus', the shortly called King Arthur of Mid-Saxony,
whose surviving but expelled two sons received new duchies or counties from
King Atala.
(The Samson saga fagra was recently published in 1953
by John Wilson who refers to the edition Samfund til udgivelse
af Gammel Nordisk Litteratur, vol LXV, Copenhagen, 1880.
A brief summary of this saga was left in English by Henry Goddard Leach by his
publication Angevin Britain and Scandinavia, p. 232.)
|
The Waltharius, a remarkable early poetry of
10th century written by an author who has been identified with
Ekkehart of St Gallen Monastery, might have taken pattern from
a pre-edition of Thidreks saga or Didriks chronicle. Although Ekkehart or
the real author of this lay apparently has transfigured the Nibelungs'
Eiffel residence 'Vermintza' to 'Wormatia' on the Rhine, and King 'Atala'
of Saxon Hunaland to Attila the great Hun, he nevertheless calls the
Nibelungs King Gunter and Hagen heroes of the Franks (not of
Burgundia as the literary Burgundy). The author of this
poetry also ascribes Hagen's father to a King called Aldrian. The lay is
widely known as the poem of Walter and Hildigund.
('Hiltgunt', daughter of Russian Duke of Gercekia,
Livonia. She was given to Atala as personal deposit.)
Hagen, trying to stop the fleeing two lovers, loses one eye in the fight
against Walter who later falls as Duke of Waskenstein ('Vaskastein') at
Gränsport, bearing there the banner of his kinsman King Ermenrik.
Ekkehart certainly implanted thrilling elements in his much embellished
adaptation that some reviewer would judge between 'subtle' and 'oversubtle'.
However, the archaic version might reflect the Didriks chronicle by
Sv 222-225.
Ekkehart's original Latin text, preserved at bibliotheca Augustana, is available at
http://www.fh-augsburg.de/~harsch/Chronologia/Lspost10/Waltharius/wal_txt0.html .
|
| Weland
He is mentioned in the heroic poem Waldere
and in the appendix of the German Heldenbuch. An earlier remark of Weland
provides The Lament of Deor, an elegy of 8th century. The
Beowulf connects best armour with Weland's work.
The Weland part of Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga, which both Ritter and the author have placed into the decades from 440 to 470 (see time table), provides that King Nidung was ruling not only a Salian territory Hesbaye ('Hesbania'), but also his realm on Jutlandish location. The MSS refer to his daughter called 'Heren' (Icelandic redaction A, intertextually to be identified with 'Beaduhild') and three living sons living there. Weland, being cited in Geoffrey Monmouth's Vita Merlini as 'Pocula que sculpsit Guielandus in urbe Sigeni', fled across Weser river and the North Sea to Jutland with a specially prepared trunk serving him well as a watercraft. In order to save his life, he had slain his outstandingly skilled masters for his father's unwillingly broken oath at 'Ballova' Smithy, a rather small location being 30 miles far from Siegen town ('in urbe Sigeni'). Since Monmouth never mentions Ballova in his literary work, but the Didriks chronicle and the Thidreks saga never Siegen, Weland thus might be appointed to a real historical individual? The Waltharius remarks him shortly with these words at lines 965 & 966:
Et nisi duratis Wielandia fabrica giris
Weland, grandson of King Vilkinus, was recorded as superb working smith and artist of his time, certainly appearing as an early predecessor of Leonardo da Vinci. However, Weland became victim of intrigues from some man of King Nidung, and so he secretly took murderous revenge on his two youngest but innocent sons for laming him by order of that probably unsuspecting big ruler. Weland finally left him with an invented aircraft that, incidentally, might have corresponded well with a simple modern windsurfing glider, as Ritter has explanatorily interjected (Der Schmied Weland, including a nautical expert's opinion of Weland's passage.). We naturally would remember at this point Daedalus of Greek mythology, the extraordinary inventor and master craftsman who devised the Cretan Labyrinth for the fierce Minotaur: King Mino, to whom Daedalus fled after he had committed murder, would not allow him to leave the Minotaur's special dwelling from which, nevertheless, he could escape by artificial wings. We thus may wonder if there were any better literary innuendo for the Nordic writers to confirm and analogize Fredegaire's Minotaur with King Nidung! |
 |
The
whalebone made Franks Casket, Anglo-Saxon, first half
of 8th century: Regarding the divided scenes on its front panel (smaller picture), '
... the left is derived from the Germanic legend of Weland the Smith ...'
as The British Museum points out briefly. Surprisingly,
the front panel's right half shows historical adoration
of the Magi. Carved scenes of quite similar style from the Thidreks saga and
related Nordic narratives were also adorning the former church of Hyl(l)estad,
Norway. The photo on the left, imaging the scene in the left half of the front
panel, documents also Weland getting and feeding geese, as this action will clearly mark the
most important first step for the |
Creation
of the Mimung (Sv 64, Mb 67).i The larger scene given by this smaller
photo refers to Weland working at his smithy. He is depicted at that time when he had slain
the two youngest sons of King Nidung, seemingly illustrated with one small human body laying
on the ground behind Weland (Sv 73, Mb 74). This scene might correspond well with
the appearance of King Nidung's daughter and a supernatural maiden serving Weland with a
bottle of liquid to make her obedient. Thus, the artist seems to consider mythological
tradition. The first panoramic image of the casket's lid '... shows another Germanic
story about a hero named Ægili who is shown defending his home from armed raiders.'
(Comment by The British Museum). Ritter regards this scene 'The Return of Odysseus', however. |
|
|
Ritter provides
on Weland another discovery being evaluated of 6 - 7th century (!) and thus of
elder creation than the Franks Casket: The Gold Solidus of Frisian Schweindorf
with its obverse estimated as facsimile of a typical Late Antiquity solidus.
The reverse, however, shows the likeness of a person with runic symbols
by enlarged Anglo-Saxon set of characters. |
Jantina H.
Looijenga, rune expert and author of the thesis 'Runes around
the North Sea and on the Continent AD 150 - 700',
classifies this solidus in her dissertation, available online at the
Library of Groningen University, Netherlands, by this description: |
Weland of old tradition. Painting by E. Nowack. |
|
|
We thus would adhere to consideration that coincident Lower Saxon minting referring to mythological persons might be unprecedented. The Ardre VIII image stone of Gotland (8th century) and the Cross-shafts of Leeds (c. 11th century) provide other pictorial traditions of Weland the Smith. |
| Other connections
A maternal line in the synchronizing chart related to the early
Merovingians can reveal that an important political relationship between the emerging
Franks and the Saxons, whose common Germanic ancestors were severely subjugated
by the Romans, was hereditarily sealed in the Hesbaye amid 5th
century between King Nidung and King Sigmund (cf Sv 148 and Ritter's schedule).
Sigmund married Nidung's daughter Sissibe and became father of Sigfrid. After
he was raised by his foster-father, he fell in hot love with Queen Brynhilde
'the Virgin' on location the texts call 'Svava': the Harz, certainly the most
attracting Saxon region13. On recommendation of Brynhilde, Sigfrid
moved to King Isung and his gorgeous sons the Nordic scribes know as strongest
fighters – actually a mighty ruler family of most important political and
economical territory of East Saxony: King Isung's land between the Harz
and the mouth of Elbe river, the latter nowadays pertaining to Hamburg,
was both bordering on the territories of martial Baltic tribes and
guaranteeing enormous toll and tax profits for Scandinavian trade routes.
Didrik's 'Grand Banquet Mission', a trip to big fighting event at King Isung (Sv 177-209, Mb 190-226), might rather appear as tricky political campaign for making Sigfrid submissive to think about his father's left heritage: Was it some land of the Eiffel that the Niflungs were administering?
|
|
Sigfrid's name, however, can surely express his special thick
skin that even Theophanis the Confessor knew as characteristic hereditary mark
going with the Merovingians: ichthyosis hystrix, striking form of skin disease.
Abbot Theophanis, most important Byzantine co-author of a world chronicle
from 284 to 813, has remarked 'bristles of swine growing on Merovingian
spine'.
Jan de Vries, eminent editor of the Old Nordic etymologic
dictionary, tries to enlighten us on Sigfrid's name and nature:14
|
Thus, German affix -fried or -frid seems to
accomplish best nicknaming, since it is old suffix for strong male nature or property,
cf 'Burgfried' for biggest tower of a castle or fortress!
|
| Résumé
The Thidreks saga appears as being based upon a chronicle
or historia rendering an elogy of most important Austrasian King Theuderic.
However, even Didrik's biography provided by the Old Swedish
Didriks-krönikan has to be regarded fragmentary and unfinished:
Just at the time when he conquered Rome II and was called out great
king, Sv 356 (cf Membrane Mb 414), his curriculum vitae is drawing
to an end. The remaining last parts of this chronicle relate Aldrian's
Revenge of the Niflungs – that ends on the last sheet of the oldest
available MS – and three epic implantations: The first deals with 'Bergara'
(Sv: 'Brugare') that the author identifies with Bergen, place of translation
by the Norse writers who traditionally were editing epic stuff and thus
leaving their narrative imprint in this way. The second is Heimir's
episode at Wadhincusan monastery which Roswitha Wisniewski recognizes as
the literary signature of the Lower German chronicler and copyist Ludovicus, a
provable scriptor at Wedinghausen monastery in 13th century. The third
might be revenge-based depiction of Didrik's epic death.
|
When Theuderic was crowned King of Austrasia (at that time
his son Theudebert noted already of age!) Gregory however picks up his thread. Now
our Frankish chronicler notably mentions him aiding Thuringian King Hermanfrid
(southern neighbour of the great realm being ascribed to King Atala) against Baderic
(a), supporting Frankish King Chlodomer against Burgundian rulers Sigi(s)mund and
Godomar (b), and, thirdly, taking a large part of Thuringia before the removal of
Hermanfrid at the walls of 'Tulbiacum', obvious Latin name of Zülpich (c).
Since these events were scholarly ascribed to dates about 515 (a), 524 (b), and
528...531 (c), they seem to maintain a contradiction to second half of Didrik's
exile, because the time of the Niflungs downfall at Soest (c. 527/530) appears
immovable for archaeological items.
|
Therefore, we obviously have to concentrate upon one decade and
a half for further research into the ethical side of Didrik's humiliation that might have been
lasting as long as he could not take revenge on Ermenrik. He died at the time of the Niflungs
downfall, thus making the end of those 25 to 30 years of Didrik's mental exile. Although he
could not cross the territory of the mighty Ermenrik or move back to the Eiffel lands within
that time, as suffering Gronsport defeat, he nevertheless could have been able to support
Hermanfrid against his brother Baderic in Thuringia or aid the legal sons of the late King
Clovis against the Burgundians. An interpretation bearing also the implication that Gregory
had suppressed contemporary history of Roma II – as he actually did for his very
fragmentary biography of Theuderic as well as Ripuaria's history. As to the other item in
this connection, Gregory's readers tend to believe that Theuderic was crowned in no time
after Clovis' death, and thereafter residing on locations called Mettae and Remi
– though Gregory does not say a word about the date and place of Theuderic's coronation.
According to archaeological research, however, Roma II was definitely larger and
more precious Austrasian colonia by far when Theuderic ascended the throne. A
context that contradicts to basic political principles of Late Antiquity and Migration
Era. More to the point, we cannot substantiate neither Metz nor Rheims as evident
places of Theuderic's residence by means of Gregory's texts that provide these
locations in connection with only some temporary import.
Listening to the Didriks chronicle, Thidreks saga, and Gregory for the
third date (c), however, Didrik was back in the Eiffel at that very time when Theuderic
'indeed had returned to his property and sent for Hermanfrid ...,
(Idem vero regressus ad propria, Hermenefredum ad se data fidem securum
praecipit venire) and ... one day, as they were standing on the walls of
Tulbiacum (Zülpich) and talking ...' (Historia Francorum III, 8)
– a fatally shrinking space for home location of two different Frankish individuals
at this instance. Interestingly, a fragment of Saxon chronicle De origine Sueborum
relates that Hermanfrid fled in 531 to a king called 'Attila' after a lost battle against the Franks,
as Jochen Ackermann has additionally remarked at
www.Thidrekssaga-Forum.de (2006).
|
Even so we may ask: If Gregory and Fredegaire, both
of them rather moralistic than conscientious raconteurs, had a solid idea
of a large existing record relating the contents of Thidreks saga and Didriks
chronicle: – Which accounts could they omit at first for saving renditions
of other sources?
|
Heinz Ritter has shown that the fundamental literary
problem of Thidreks SAGA is carried by its title only, and he rightly stated
that we cannot ascribe a text provable as a chronicle or historia
to a saga in case of an existing lacuna in history. As already been noted, we
only have very fragmentary records of Saxon history between 5th and
6th century which, however, are generally ineffectual without further
historical material. When asking again what we do know about Ripuaria's history
and those Germanic tribes dwelling between the Rhine and the Baltic Sea at
that very time, we nonetheless should also remember that Louis the Pious
cleaned out his father's great library from 'paganic texts'.
The Old Swedish scribe of the Dietrich von Bern chronicle apparently made a clear distinction between those 'fornaldarsögur', sagas written before Iceland's ethnological starting point (9th century), those 'riddarasögur', chivalrous tales written thereafter by Nordic 'fabulatores' for amusement at medieval courts, and those medieval texts commonly known as historia or chronicle. Roswitha Wisniewski, whose postdoctoral work on the Niflungs downfall by Thidreks saga has been either attacked unconvincingly or suppressed enormously by her colleagues, provides persuasive evidence that Thidreks saga is based on a tradition that unquestionably belongs to the style of the latter category. Regarding circumspectly Old Norse bibliography, Thidreks 'saga' rather has to be re-evaluated as an i m p o r t e d h i s t o r i o g r a p h y. A material of literary gender that King Hákon's scribes translated with same trustworthiness as, for instance, the Trójumanna saga, Alexanders saga, Rómverja saga, Gyðlinga saga, Veraldar saga, Breta sögur. Friedrich Heinrich von der Hagen, translator of German edition of Thidreks saga, mentions in his foreword a Latin manuscript whose missing direct speech can be detected in the prosaic text. This script, most possibly preserving the copied archaic work, is exposed to further discussion at annotation 2 of the essay Zur Schuldfrage von Atala und Grimhild, Atli und Gudrun. |
|
Appendix
A1 Related Links A1.1 Who is King Atala?
A2 The Evaluation of Thidreks saga Manuscripts (Extract from A6) | Back to text | Ritter's method of dealing with Thidreks
saga is principally based on his answer to the cardinal question whether a
tradition assumed being remarkably pregnant with historical facts may be
dissected in twilight mixture of mythological narratives. As Ritter has expressively
underlined at his lectures, rather less significant as well as detectable
non-contemporary adapting implementation by an evident group of Norse
editors might have induced scholarly evaluation especially of the
Membrane texts to consider Thidreks saga for the most part as less
authentic or fabulous pool of mostly unrelated single tales. Following Ritter's
index of circumstantial evidences, however, we have to consider factual piece
that the Old Swedish scribe of the Didriks chronicle would not title his
work SAGA, eg in view of remarkably depicted Baltic politics. Beside
other indication, Ritter regards the Svava principally
guiding Thidreks saga, and he considers all these texts as certain coherent
chronicle of such recognizable literary selectivity that subsequently will allow
efforts to estimate them as source of preponderant historical events.
Theodore M. Andersson, reviewer of a
symposium-based supplement edited by Susanne Kramarz-Bein for Walter de
Gruyter's encyclopaedia of Germanic antiquity, comments the current
contradicting scholarly cataloguing of Thidreks saga.
Andersson, incidentally seeing a clear literary difference
between 'Norse' and 'of Norway', was obviously remembering Ritter's
publications by this introductory remark of 1996:
»... Þiðreks saga, which had not received much
scholarly attention for several decades, came back into fashion about ten
years ago ...«
This English review, available at http://userpage.fu-berlin.de/~alvismal/7susanne.pdf
[2005], follows Heinrich Beck's position by means of his paper
Þiðreks saga als Gegenwartsdichtung? who, stringently
against Ritter's postulation and reasoning, notoriously exposes Thidreks saga
to the light of Nordic poetry and heroic narrative somehow inspired by history. |
| Andersson recites: »... Heinrich Beck's "Þiðreks saga als Gegenwartsdichtung?" ... points out that Þiðreks saga ... synchronizes events from legendary prehistory with near-contemporary events in the twelfth century (campaigns against the Slavs on the eastern frontier of Germany). Time in Þiðreks saga is thus a variable quantity ...« |
Moreover, Heinrich Beck classifies the message of
Þiðreks Saga expressively more subtle than its naïve reader would
imagine. Addressing to Ritter, he will underpin Germanism's fundamental attitude
towards the general understanding of SAGA with this manifesto:
|
| »Germanistic saga research has recognized long since (...) that saga tradition is not an ancient forwarding but derives from topic adoption.« (Translated quotation from Zur Thidrekssaga-Diskussion; Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 112, 1993; pp 441 - 448.) |
|
The Germanistic and other scholastic strategy against
H. Ritter or believable research intentionally ignore the fact that the Old Norse
scribes evidently used to title translated historiographies as 'saga'. The author's
publication Sage und Wirklichkeit. Dietrich von Bern und die Nibelungen (2008)
thus repudiates that kind of subtle exploration of Thidreks saga by Heinrich Beck and
other experts in literature agreeing with his questionable position.
Ritter's translation of the Old Swedish Didriks chronicle was not called in question on literary subject. For elaborating research he therein left his comparing analysis of both chronological and historiographical structures of the Svava and Thidreks saga MSS. In the addenda of this translation (pp 399 - 455) he exemplarily scrutinises and finally refutes the Svava's dependency from the Membrane and Icelandic texts against scholastic evaluation of Scandinavian researchers. Ritter also implemented into his posthumous publication Der Schmied Weland a supplementary analysis that points out the different literary style of these texts anything but less insignificant through exemplary synoptic studies providing Thidreks saga's special predilection for certain subjective notional forwarding and, as a result, also for mythologizing, cf Quotations from 'Der Schmied Weland' (German). |
Seasoned practitioners have not rejected Ritter's
methodical deciphering of 'the geographical and ethnic names in the Didriks Saga',
a work of noteworthy terminological consistency considering rational contemporary
circumstances of time and location. In 1959 William J. Pfaff had already
introduced an equally titled book with 'a study in Germanic heroic Legend',
who, however, failed in the actual terminology of such important places
originally spelled 'Bern' or 'Drekanfils'. Ritter rather found out that
the right geographical operation area related to the Didriks chronicle
does extend diagonally from South-Sweden and Jutland to German Moselle
river and, west-to-east, from Belgium to Baltic countries.
Thus, the revising research would hardly believe that the Nordic editors
had done more than a mere translation of an imported tradition,
mainly a Lower German Historia Dietrich von Bern; especially considering
the item that the translators evidently never attempted to change any location name
there. |
To boot, it seems implausible that the Norse
scribes of King Hákon IV would have had any good reason to implant any own
narration or compilation on such unfamiliar small locations as Vernica,
Thorta or Brictan, such strange rivulets as Duna, Wisara
or Eydissa, such elsewhere never mentioned but nonetheless real mountain
forests as the Osning or Valslanga.
|
 |
The Upper German stem on the left represents
poetry detracting Burgundian fall to the homeland of a fictive Hungarian king called Etzel.
Roswitha Wisniewski notes well that her so-called 'Zweite Quelle' has to be regarded as
principal source of Thidreks saga, while she regards the 'Ältere Not' only rendering
epic influences of Duna crossing, recovery at Margrave Rodinger's ('Rüdiger')
Bakalar ('Bechelaren'), and the arrival of the Niflungs at Susat (Soest), the
residence of King Atala ('Attila'). Nonetheless, we also have to consider the 'Ältere Not'
providing the Nibelungen character Giselher (notably Leon Polak and Roswitha Wisniewski).
He seems to be connected with special kind of synonymy derived from dynastic names
in the 'Lex Burgundionum' in order to boost the Norse Gunnar with an accompanying actor
originally spelled Gislahar(ius). |
Thus, further progressive research will also
concentrate upon Roswitha Wisniewski's postdoctoral thesis by which she
provides extrapolative evidences of Thidreks saga's sources.
The scholar in literature, now emeritus professor, reminds us on the
subject that James Westfall Thompson has given the
fundamental characteristics of both narrative forms:
|
| »The medieval |
A3 Edward R. Haymes' translation The Saga of Thidrek of Bern Haymes provides a verbatim translation of Thidreks saga. Thus, regarding any considerable difference between the Membrane and Old Swedish Didriks-krönikan, it will be no concern of Haymes' excellent work. |
His introduction to the translation nonetheless
considers scholars who apparently want to promulgate any narration of hunting a deer
or winning a bride as poetic formula. He writes that the Thidreks saga in particular
seems to propagate an image of kingship based on the support of the nobility
and turns to suspect Artistic Achievement which, however,
might basically lose rational ground of reality when ascribing a numeral quantity
of a dozen to poetic dimension (notably Andersson). He is certainly right
in case of some evident incongruity the saga bears in the texts, but he would not
specify the major contradictions in the story apart from two different
deaths in King Osantrix’ vita.
[Incidentally, both Old Swedish MSS do not provide the second
death of Osantrix as given by ch 292 of the Membrane. Regarding
Sv 247 instead, that relates the battle at ‘Brandingaborg’, the Old Swedish
chronicler conveys this only notice on Osantrix:
'Osantrix king had a brother's son in Vilkinaland called Hernid. He was made King of Vilkinaland.'] Of course, there is some literary influence mainly of Greek antiquity (notably Roswitha Wisniewski) that contaminates the original purport of both the saga and the Old Swedish texts – just as the bulk of chronicles from or referring to Late Antiquity and Migration Era. Such amalgamation, however, can be recognized in the Thidreks saga, eg the birds advising Sigfrid to slay his foster father (cf Greek Augur and Melampus). |
Haymes furthermore notes conservative scholars
who obviously have no idea of neither Germanic Hunas nor linguistic origin of 'Ata-la',
who would not allow the historical roots and appearance of these ancient people in that
time Haymes rightly calls 'Period of Migration', who turn a blind eye to Frankish actions
of 6th century in that geographic area he already specifies as part of today’s Lower
Saxony. |
The history of editing Thidreks saga as
provided by Haymes follows current scholastic research. Nonetheless, we have to
agree with Theodore M. Andersson who justly understands the MSS merely representing
a translation, though he basically judges them a heterogeneous collection of heroic
epics. On the subject of geography, Haymes remarks William Pfaff’s excellent study
of geographical and ethnic names in the saga which, however, identifies for instance
'Drekanflis' as the Drachenfels on the Rhine – thus making unbelievable routes for
Didrik’s trip to the Osning! |
One of the most incredible points Haymes conveys
is scholarship’s opinion that the Swedish texts have to be regarded as translation of the
Norse saga, though he states that the Swedish version provides useful
information when the other sources disagree.
If he had explored the source he lists as Roswitha Wisniewski's
postdoctoral thesis under his
Select Bibliography even in this connection, he would have been able to
conceive the significance of her so-called 'Second Source' and draw his conclusions
more exactly against the work of Horst Pütz and other authors representing the basic
position of Heinrich Beck, Susanne Kramarz-Bein and other scholars. William J. Pfaff,
another protector of obsolete part of Germanistic bibliography through Ritter’s research,
contradicts to Westphalia as location of clerical recording of the Dietrich von Bern
narratives that Wisniewski tried to query as 'pseudo-chronicle'. However, such kind of
literary work would basically not comply with both her own |
The treatise Ritter added as epilogue to his
translation of the Old Swedish MSS provides strong indication that the chronicle
Didrik af Bern cannot be a mere translation from Thidreks saga. As Ritter
points out in his book 'Die Nibelungen zogen nordwärts', for example, the
Swedish 'Haghen' cannot be taken from a Norse-Norwegian
source that spells 'Högni', while 'Goroholth' may not represent a
translated 'Gernoz', 'Gislher' not result in 'Gyntar', as the original texts of the
Swedish scribes unquestionably allow to conclude. The lingual pattern shining
through their work rather shows Danish than Norwegian influence of their source, as
Ritter cites Bengt Henning who found out that the so-called 'Norvagism'
are playing almost no role against the 'Danism' of remarkable quantity.
Henning nonetheless votes for Norse-Norwegian Thidreks saga as the source of
the Old Swedish scribes, but without any convincing argument or conclusion, as
Ritter comments Henning’s comprehensive work in the attachment to his translation. |
We thus can postulate another big source which the
Old Swedish scribes have been using besides the Old Norse-Norwegian saga texts they
certainly knew, too. Although that source is physically missing, we consequently have
to consider strong indication that the writers around King Hákon IV were
working more willingly as translators of imported material. Roswitha Wisniewski
therefore rightly introduces her thesis that the source of the Nordic writers came
from Lower Germany, as she reasonably votes for a clerical scribe at Wedinghausen
monastery near Soest. |
A4 Historicity of Vilkinaland The Old Swedish scribe of the Didriks chronicle has been also charged with ascribing Vilkinaland to Swedish territory. Einhard, 9th century author of the Vita Karoli Magni, regards the Welataben, an ethnic group identified with the Vilkinians, as historical tribe. More comprehensive research by other sources focussing Migration Era of 5th century provides their historical appearance on the Lower Elbe (South Jutland) and, thereafter migrated eastwards, in parts of Pomorze ('Pomerania'). These are the chapters of the Swedish chronicle giving geographical information about Vilkinaland: Sv 17.
Ritter localized Winland as German Wendland.
The ascription of 'Vilkinaland that is Thus, we are able to distinguish between the levels of early report and later edition. |
