The revising literary research into Old Norse and Swedish traditions, as initiated by the late Heinz Ritter-Schaumburg, PhD, might motivate not only experts in Late Antiquity and pre-medieval times to take note of some new interesting context: The Old Norse 'Þiðreks Saga' and Old Swedish 'Didriks chronicle', closely related to the saga of Dietrich von Bern, seem to throw back certain narrative light from Frankish history especially provided by Gregory of Tours, Fredegaire, and the 'Chronicle of Frankish Kings'.

Contradicting scholastic conviction, Ritter has evaluated the medieval Old Swedish texts he shortly called Svava, catalogued as Skokloster-Codex-I/115&116 quarto, E 9013 at the 'Riksarkivet' Stockholm, as more objective copy from an early but unknown archaic manuscript being prior to the longwinded narrating Thidreks saga which, however, is of surviving elder version and sometimes rendering more topographical information.⁽¹⁾ As the late expert was able to prove by means of his numerous German publications and lectures, these manuscripts cannot mean King Theoderic the Great mainly for topographical reasons, but rather provide narration related to an equally named Frankish king, the Old Swedish Didrik, who started his rise at 'Bern(e)' in the northern Rhine-Eiffel outland.⁽²⁾

Nevertheless, regarding a circumspect re-evaluation of the afore mentioned and other known records of occidental antiquity, we have to contemplate a sharp natural limit that was previously forming the big border between the Roman Empire and Germanic tribes, and, later again, the Franks and other tribes: The Rhine. Apparently, our first Frankish chroniclers would not cross that river to have a look at the outlandish folk beyond; and almost all their foreign colleagues seem to have left a blank sheet about their history, particularly from the times after the downfall of the Roman Empire to Charlemagne. 

Heinz Ritter's primal geographical terminology of Thidreks saga and Old Swedish Didriks chronicle represents an interesting result of his diligent verification of intertextual location and river names. With respect to the localization of Bern, the 1^st Century Roman Eiffel Map (issued by Kurt Stade) provides a Roman based mining location nowadays called Breinig ('Breinigerbg.') at the exceptional Gallic-Roman temple site VARNE  (VARN → VERN → BERN).⁽³⁾ Although the contemporary name of adjacent Breinig was not handed down, its current spelling could be based on derivation from eg Varneniacum → Bareniacum → Bereniacum.⁽⁴⁾
 

Since Heinz Ritter has thoroughly translated the Old Swedish Didriks chronicle into German language and reviewed the Thidreks saga manuscripts, the regions of today's North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony, Jutland, and western Baltic territories appear as the real locations focused by antique and medieval historiographers who enticingly forwarded lifetime events related to a king of obvious Franco-Rhenish descent. 

Nonetheless, we must carefully study their records to find some synchronous or completing passages about Frankish Rhine politics of 5^th and the first third of 6^th century. Regarding the Rhine again as dominant natural and cultural border, however, they seem to have had nearly the same limited geographical horizon of recitation as their Frankish colleagues vice versa. Thus, besides primal geographical terminology, we have to interpret the Old Norse and Swedish writers' farthest known southern centre ROME as 'Roma secunda', whose spelling, localization and significance is unmistakably provable as the Roman Augusta Treverorum⁽⁵⁾ through some historical texts. However, we should not expect a detailed recitation of the Merovingian bloodline from Didrik's 'biographers' who certainly were not crossing the Meuse westwards, therefore providing fragmentary views, and we also should keep an eye on the right sequence of more than 300 chapters written by the scribes of the Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga. 

Trier on the Moselle with the Porta Nigra and the ruins of the Roman 'Imperial Bathes' which the succeeding Franks had taken and extended for their 'Kings Palace'. The Emperor Hall or 'Basilica', Constantine's Throne Hall (on the left), is largest surviving single-room structure from Roman era. (All these buildings are declared World Heritage of the UNESCO.)

Since the Didriks chronicle or the Svava and its derived epic novel Thidreks saga, as Ritter prefers this literary classification (cf Der Schmied Weland; posthumously published by Olms, Hildesheim 1999), like to put forward some coherent historical information and relations upon large territories of today's Mid and Northern Europe, we should assume with him that these texts would basically not prefer depiction of any less important provincial antics against more reasonable reports on superior events. Evaluating Ritter's schedule and the momentous context of the Old Norse and Swedish manuscripts on such level, we finally will be confronted with the impasse of not enough geographical, temporal and personal space for Theuderic and (not or) Didrik! 

Kemp Malone, Franz Joseph Mone (reputed German historian of 1^st half of 19^th century) and Karl Simrock (well-known German translator of the Nibelungenlied and the Elder Edda) identify 'Dietrich von Bern' with Theuderic I. Hermann Lorenz, following Simrock who declares Theuderic as the prototype serving for Ostrogothic Dietrich epics, states [transl:] 'Theuderic utterly dragged into the cycle of the Gothic Dietrich saga'.  (GERMANIA 31 [19, 1886]: Das Zeugniss für die deutsche Heldensage in den Annalen von Quedlinburg; pgs 137–150, cf pg 139.) Karl Müllenhoff, another 19^th-century scholar, tries to discern Thidrek of Bern as an amalgamation of Theuderic with Theoderic the Great (Die austrasische Dietrichsage; ZfdA 6, 1848; pgs 435–459). Regarding newer publications, Helmut G. Vitt renders short but astute initial intercessions for Didrik/Thidrek = Theuderic I and Samson = Childeric I : Wieland der Schmied; ISBN 3 925498 00 1, pgs 127–138.

However, all these authors do not provide detailed studies supporting their opinion.⁽⁶⁾ 

We must state deficient biographical information about that young Theuderic before 507 and, again, c. 523. He is mentioned as most talented son of Clodovocar I or 'Clovis' in the texts written by Bishop Gregory of Tours, principal Frankish chronicler whom we obviously (seemingly?) have to credit with truth telling, and who might appear to some item more informative than the pseudonymous Fredegaire.

May a clerical raconteur punish Theuderic with a certain portion of ignorance, since he has taken him for a son of any heathen concubine?

Has that skilled young man kept a respectable distance to his rude and bloodthirsty father?

Fact is that King Clovis could rely on Theuderic for daring missions, eg against the Visigoths. On the subject of this operation, the history reveals that only the powerful appearance of King Theoderic the Great could stop the splendid campaign of Theuderic in 507/508. Nonetheless, we certainly may wonder how much Gregory did discriminate him against his favourable brothers Chlotar, Childebert and Chlodomer, whose mother was the honourable Saint Clotilde of Burgundian dynasty; and we may also wonder whether Theuderic trained his skilfulness and sophistication by keeping out of King Clovis' vulgar ways. Thus, we may consequently ask: Did that young-aged man rather turn to an adventurous eastern border area of the Franks? We must think of great possibility that he could have received a certain part of Rhenish territory as operation base and place of residence from his father and/or the local leader of this area, that large region which Theuderic actually inherited later as part of eastern Frankish territory: Bern, apparently located in the region covering German towns Aachen and Bonn, was an excellent geographical point of that area, good or the best place for both Theuderic and Didrik to start any exiting exploration into the dangerous depth of miraculous woodlands beyond the Rhine, where all those Roman Eagles were driven back or torn into bits and pieces just a few centuries ago. Bern was the eminent place for the young Theuderic to observe Franco-Rhenish residence of Cologne and same good location for King Didrik to ride out to his good friend King Atala (diminutive form of Ata = father; spelled 'Aktilius', 'Atilius' in the Old Swedish manuscripts; eg 'Attala' in Icelandic MS B) residing some dozen miles away at one of the most important settlements on a territory of today's Westphalia: Susa (Susat) – Soest.
 

However, referring again to both questions above, we are leaving at this point Gregory's Frankish horizon of recitation for real barbaric outland. 

The Old Norse and Swedish texts report that one day the fierce 'Ermenrik', a mighty southern ruler, expelled the young King Didrik from Bern. As the scribes also convey, he fled to King Atala for that reason. At this instant, we may finally ask the observers of Merovingian history: Would Theuderic have acted against the politics of King Clovis or his loyal Frankish vassals if he had appointed Sigfrid, sturdy son of a king dwelling somewhere in the outlands beyond the Rhine, as new ruler of a certain Rhine-Eiffel area, but doing so without asking those certainly outraged Frankish chiefs? Would that Theuderic thereafter run a risk to militate against a mighty Frankish leader with 'Hunaland aid' like Didrik, who really made an attempt against Ermenrik, his kinsman but not father, at a place the literati call 'Gransport' or 'Gronsport' on the Moselle's mouth? 

1.

Didrik's ancestor Samson started his violent expansive politics from the same region as Childeric I: 'Appolij' (not Apulia!), topographically superior to the Hesbaye that is neither southern Hispania nor Spain (!), as the authors of the Old Norse and Swedish texts certainly mean that region where the western foreland of the Eiffel meets the south-western fringe of 'silva carbonaria', a woodland frequently mentioned in Frankish historiography. Lord Samson was written down 'of Salernae', which can express corresponding relation to the Salians as well as certain delicate affairs ascribed to Childeric. As the scribes relate in the first chapters of the Svava and Thidreks saga, he previously had seduced the daughter of his ruler and gone with her into an interim refuge for that reason. They also note well that Samson had remarkable black hair and an impressing beard.(7) He slew two kingly brothers of Salernae, the literary Salvenerias by Ritter's research, before he later moved martially eastwards to the Rhine-Eiffel lands. There he had impudently demanded 12 free-born virgins, daughter Odilia of the Bern ruler, and some other tributes from him.

2.	Considering the years 475 to 479 of Ritter's schedule, Ermenrik captured 'Roma' at the same time when the Franks took Trier on the Moselle (c. 475).

3.	In 486 Clovis called out Great Kingdom of the Franks after the martial removal of Syagrius, last Roman governor of Gaul, just at that very point in time when Ermenrik called in his kinsmen, vassals, and good friends to his first 'Imperial Diet', a colloquium of Frankish chiefs at the Nordic 'Roma'.

4.	The third writer of the Membrane remembers by Mb 246 an individual spelled 'Salmon' (Salumon) as mighty chief of a Frankish realm that extended into today's Westerwald woodlands. Thus, at the end of 5th century, the scriptor seems to regard an early Frankish acquisition of a Mid-German area.(8)

5.

As Gregory of Tours narrates events between 488 and 492, King Clovis slew his cousin Ragnachar, king of Cambrai on the Schelde ('Scheldt'), important old Frankish river for North Sea shipping traffic. Apparently anticipating to this action of eliminating awkward Frankish chiefs and their potential successors, the authors of the Svava (Sv 231–233) and Mb 278–280) have noted insidious removals of Ermenrik's sons Frederic, Regbald and Samson, as he was induced to tolerate them not longer by the plans of his advisor 'Sevekin' (cf 'Sibich', 'Sifka') just in that very space of time. Regbald, ordered to a mission apparently to the Anglo-Saxons and thus needing a watercraft, had to choose between three ships for that passage. He sank on most ramshackle ship deceitfully offered to him as best of all. Was it Frankish kingdom of already believable force to demand tribute from a ruler who was obviously dwelling in 'Ængland' (Anglo-Saxon territory)?

6.

Didrik supported Ermenrik by fighting strongly against a south-eastern leader called 'Rimstein' (Sv 144, Mb 147). The place of that conflict can be undoubtedly located between Frankish and Alemannian territories. We remember with Gregory the Alemannian-Frankish war, whose battles were certainly fought even on other locations than Zülpich, the obvious decisive or final place where King Sigebert of Cologne was wounded and became lame.

7.	While King Clovis passes away about the year 511 at an age of 45 or 46 – as the chroniclers have not mentioned any attempt on his life – King Ermenrik dies of severe abdominal disease at 'Roma' between first quarter and first third of 6th century. (Ermenrik's symptoms described by the Membrane writer remember cancer.)

8.	Didrik goes martially out to take revenge for severe humiliation, his expulsion from Bern by his kinsman Ermenrik, just at a time when King Clovis dies between 510 and 511. The historical point in question is: Which Frankish heir apparent could attack one of the mightiest leaders of the Franks, the kingly governor of 'Roma' on the Moselle, under such circumstance?

9.	After the conquest of 'Roma' Didrik certainly rose to a mighty leader of Frankish kingdom. This is translated quotation from the Didriks chronicle, Sv 356 (cf Mb 414): He rode into Roma, got off his horse, went to take the same seat on which kings are inured to sit and to be crowned … they crowned him and appointed him King of great realm that King Ermenrik has had …

10.

According to the Svava, Sv 369, Didrik took over at least western parts of a region called nowadays Lower Saxony after the death of King Atala († before 540), who had lost there a dramatic number of his male subjects in the Soest Battle. This narration will certainly correspond with ethological studies proving that the Franks actually moved to regions of today's Lower Saxony to settle there after that characteristic point of time.

11.	Immediately after the Soest Battle, as the texts provide, Didrik moved to Bern and consolidated an army that won the decisive battle against 'Sevekin', successor of the late Ermenrik, on location called Greken, Graach on the Moselle in the Palatinate of Rhineland.

Heinz Ritter estimates the birth of Didrik about 470, whereas King Clovis is believed to be born a half decade before him. Since this circumstance might appear as predominant item contradicting Didrik's literary reflection Theuderic I, revising research regards both Ritter and the Frankish chroniclers' genealogy about early Frankish kings Meroveus, Clodio and Childeric as unsharp and insufficient: As Gregory provides with his Frankish history, he seems to have no solid pedigree information especially about both first named kings, and so he rather uses a meagre 'Some People say'-phrase for them – which indicates his dependence on oral tradition. 

Gregory, whose genealogical colportages about Frankish kings up to 2^nd half of 5^th century are uncritically accepted, remarks Theuderic's son Theudebert being already sturdy at a time when King Clovis died (libri historiarum III, 1). Since there is also clear indication in Thidreks saga that Didrik's father died young, Clovis however could have (should have!) adopted Thetmar's son with respect to early territory sharing that apparently had been made for co-existing 'Ripuaria', in accessible records the later appearing territorial expression for the Rhenish Franks.

Regarding Didrik's as well as Theuderic's bloodline over a band of three generations, all male names being recorded are strikingly beginning with 'Th', but not with any other letters. Theuderic's line (Theuderic → Theudebert → Theudebald) is outstandingly unique with a view to all the other early Merovingian branches wherein we typically meet kingly names formed with capital 'C'. Apart from the facts that Gregory would not mention Theuderic's date of birth, and the early Frankish kings habitually have not ascended the throne as son of any heathen concubine, we rather can effortlessly recognize corresponding 'Th…' name-giving in the bloodlines given by the Old Norse and Swedish scribes and Gregory's Frankish history through obvious clear-cut ancestral tradition. Matthias Springer, an author of the RGA considering name giving to Theuderich I., places at disposal that his maternal roots could be located at the Amals, gender of Theoderic the Great. However, it also seems noteworthy that both Theuderic's and Theoderic's name is basically related to a composition of the Gothic þiuda [= grouping of peoples or tribes as a nation, cf Indo-Germanic teuta] plus reiks [= 'rich' + 'ruler', cf 'reign'].

           Theuderic's disappearance after 507

His mission to the Visigoths to satisfy Clovis, a campaign in 507/508 with sizeable territorial gains which, however, were stopped and massively reverted by Theoderic the Great is related to that very time-frame of approximately one decade where Didrik was expelled according to Ritter's estimation.⁽⁹⁾ He dates this event 495, but, strangely enough, ignoring an important item he already pointed out in 1982 (see below). Following correspondingly Ermenrik, Didrik's uncle and mighty king of Roma II, the metropolis that only a short time before was known as largest colonia on the north side of the Alps, consequently might have had good reason to follow Theoderic's standpoint and decision to put the Frankish Theoderic harshly in his new place. Surprisingly, Ermenrik's advisor Sevekin was contributing this significant speech before Didrik's expulsion (Sv 238): 

One day Sevekin talked to King Ermenrik:  'It seems to me that you soon have to be on the lookout for your nephew, King Didrik of Bern. He is a faithless man and a mighty fighter. Watch out for him, see that he will not win your realm! He enlarges his realm every day, but making yours smaller. I  w a s  t o l d  that it is your due to demand tribute from him. Your father won this land with his sword!' ... [Translation: Ritter-Badenhausen.] CAP. CCLIX.: Apud Ermenricum regem de rerum publicarum commodis in medium consulturus Sifka, multa de Theoderico rege sermocinari exorsus est. Hujus inprimis potentiam formidandam maximopere Ermenrico; jam multa magna moliri ipsum viribus confisum suis atque bellicarum claritudine operum, de palma etiam regni cum Ermenrico haud dubio disputaturum. Proinde non aliud magis idoneum sibi videri consilium, quam istud praesens nunc suggerendum. Nimirum, a suscepto regiminis tempore primo regni sui fines majorem in modum augendo extendisse Theodericum, etaim cum decremento commodorum ad Ermenricum pertinentium. Amlungiae quippe regno justis Ermenrici genitoris armis acquisito ... [Passage from the Latin manuscript provided as the HISTORIA WILKINENSIUM, THEODERICI VERONENSIS ... by Johan Peringskiöld, Stockholm 1715 (pg 360).]

It seems implausible that the crafty Clovis was not aware of the consequences of Theuderic's military operation against the Visigoths. We thus may impute to the mightiest Frankish leader that he was certainly right to stay away, to have calculated upon Theuderic's failure, and to have reckoned with his potential follower being finally deprived of his power. Incidentally, we are talking about the same time-frame of one decade where Gregory has placed the removal of Sigebert of Cologne. He has been identified with King Sigmund's son Sigfrid, another good friend of Didrik as well as brother-in-law of the Niflunga brothers who certainly had good reason to serve the politics of Ermenrik, ruler of Roma II (c. 470 till c. 525), for the chance to take over or administrate the Eiffel lands of Didrik.

Theuderic had impudently violated the 'Pax Gothica' of Theoderic the Great.

And in fact, after 16 summers and 16 winters Theuderic successfully reconquered Auvergne – at that time the fading vigour of Theoderic being in religious conflict with his Roman subjects and Justin I – and actually Theuderic's next known 'Frankish' campaign after 507/508!⁽¹⁰⁾ With or after his stopovers at Cologne (with Gallus) and Roma II !

It may be considered to this context that almost two decades after Theuderic's disappearance from both Gregory's and Eastern Roman eyes, regarding both Ritter's schedule and historical upheavals on the other side of the Rhine by means of archeological discoveries at Westphalian Soest, the Niflunga – or Frankish invaders – felt strong enough to make war against a large tribe beyond the big river. Respecting another important event in the area of its lower stretches just a few years before, Gregory of Tours and the Liber historiae Francorum relate that Theuderic's son Theudebert repulsed an attack of a king called 'Chlochilaichus' who invaded Theuderic's paygo Attoarios, a former Chattuari region scholastically estimated at that time (515–520) on the lower Rhine and lower Meuse. Nevertheless, this event does not corrupt the exile of Theuderic's literary parallel Didrik/Thidrek, cf

http://www.badenhausen.net/rolf-badenhausen/SynopsisVitae_Thidrek-Theuderic_I.htm  and  
http://www.badenhausen.net/rolf-badenhausen/Theuderich_I.pdf.

Regarding Old German counting of time, it seems apt to reconsider Hildebrand's and Thidrek's 'time of absence', as conveyed by the Thidreks saga (Mb 396). Its Icelandic manuscripts (lacuna at Mb 415) recite German men who tell that Hildebrand died at an age of 150 (MS B: 170 ) years, whereas German lays recount his age 200 years – time domain by numbers by far beyond other narrational ballpark of rather much smaller time scale usually up to a dozen. Hube follows Ritter on the subject of half-years counting related to the life of Hildebrand: Thidreks Saga, Wiesbaden 2009, pg 354 ann 1. Thus, these manuscripts obviously admit to comprehend Hildebrand's and Thidrek's 32 »years« outside the country (Mb 396) as

sixteen  summers  and  sixteen  winters  =  sixteen  years.
However, the scribe of the Didriks chronicle does not relay the length of their 'exile', see corresponding context at Sv 340–341, while the poet of the 9^th-century Hildebrandslied, line 50: ih wallota sumaro enti wintro sehstic ..., declares it inflated to summers and winters sixty ...

The Waltharius, another early poetry likely edited by Ekkehard I at Upper German St Gall(en) Monastery (now Switzerland), could have taken pattern from a historiographical source of Thidreks saga and Didriks chronicle in order to transform interpretation to Ostrogothic environment, cf Hildebrandslied. Although either this Ekkehard or the real first author of this lay has (re-)localizes the Nibelungs' Eiffel residence 'Vermintza' at 'Wormatia' on the Rhine, and King 'Atala' of 'Hunaland' to Attila the great Hun, he nevertheless calls the Nibelungs King Gunter and Hagen heroes of the Franks (not of Burgundia as the literary Burgundy). The author of this poetry also ascribes Hagen's father to a king called Aldrian. The lay is widely known as the poem of Walter and Hildigund. ('Hiltgunt', daughter of Russian Duke Ilias of Gercekia (Livonia). She was handed over to Atala as personal deposit.) Hagen, trying to stop the fleeing two lovers, loses one eye in the fight against Walter who later falls as Duke of Waskenstein ('Vaskastein') at Gransport, bearing there the banner of King Ermenrik. Ekkehard implanted thrilling elements in his much embellished adaptation that some reviewer would judge between 'subtle' and 'oversubtle'. However, the archaic version seems to reflect the Didriks chronicle by Sv 222–225. The Latin text of the Upper German poetry, preserved at bibliotheca Augustana, is available at
http://www.fh-augsburg.de/~harsch/Chronologia/Lspost10/Waltharius/wal_txt0.html  (retrieved Aug 2008). 

The Lament of Deor (Book of Exeter) wishes to substantiate this relation to the 'Mær(ov)ingians': 

Can this strophe provide a more or less tendentious retrospective view to Þeodric's location of 'exile'? Westphalian Soest, residence of King Atala by the texts, was certainly of ruling Frankish influence in the middle of 6^th century. 

The German romance Wolfdietrich, poetry with different versions dated from 13^th century to Late Middle Ages about a hero whom literary research identifies with Theudebert and, to some extend, his father Theuderic I ('Hug-Dietrich'), suggests at least two parallels with Thidrek or Didrik of Bern: the dragon fight at Bergara/Brugara and Wolfdietrich's exile and return.

Widukind of Corvey, 10^th-century historiographer of Saxony (Res Gestae Saxonicae – Rerum Gestarum Saxonicarum libri tres), disagrees with Gregory of Tours because of some genealogical item and, in particular, unequal paternal names related to Theuderic: Referring to Thuringian War, the Saxon historiographer provides Thiadricus as illegitimate son of King Huga and recounts Amal(a)berga as the daughter of the latter. She became instigating spouse of Thuringian King Irminfridus. Widukind's version, possibly based on a memorabilis fama, provides a noblemann Iring serving both kinglys as emissary in conflict with Thiadricus who finally makes Iring to kill the Thuringian king (libri historiarum III, 8). 

The prime author of the episode Grimhild and Irung, both appearing in the Niflunga battle on Susa location, might have transformed a mental outline of the Frankish Amalberga to the spouse of King Atala.

The chronicler of Lower Saxon Annales Quedlinburgenses identifies Theuderic I as Hugo Theodericus. Interestingly, these annales date the death of a ruler named 'Attila' – recounting that he was killed by a girl (!) he forcibly had taken from the side of her slain father – the same year (AD 532) when H. Theodericus came into power – about AD 531 or 532 finally just on the territory of that 'Attila'? At this point it seems implausible that the Quedlinburg chronicler had no idea of the cause of death or other fundamental detail in the vita of Attila the great Hun!

Rudolf von Fulda, German 9^th-century chronicler who likely represents an important source of Widukind, remarks to Thuringian War, Translatio Sancti Alexandri, ch III, that a Saxon leader called Hadugoto overthrew the Thuringii. Adam von Bremen, another German chronicler of 11^th century, basically conveys Rudolf's version: Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, ch III. It seems worth mentioning that any Saxon and/or Anglo-Saxon participation in Theuderic's Thuringian War, as provided at first by Rudolf, has been challenged to detect as fiction; notably M. Springer: Die Sachsen, 2004 (ISBN 3-17-016588-7). 

In connection with Thuringian War and Widukind of Corvey, the author provocatively abstracts in his German publication Sage und Wirklichkeit, 2007, pgs 359–360:

Gregory apparently put forward unsatisfactory information about Theuderic's descent and vita: On the one hand, he considers him well as pre-eminent son of Clovis, but on the other, he would not satisfyingly recite a supporting scale of examples. The more we closely follow Gregory to Clovis and Theuderic, the more queries we get. Since the Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga relate that Didrik's father died early, it seems plausible that the mightiest Frankish king kept an eye on the young designated king of an important eastern kingdom between the Meuse and the Rhine. Thus, Clovis' plot against a popular and obviously rising King Sigebert of Cologne could have been an early protection, and it seems worth assessing whether his removal was also in Theuderic's later interest (libri historiarum II, 40). Gregory actually appears credible if he calls Clovis at least political foster-father of Theuderic. 

However, there is sound criticism of Gregory's general understanding of rendering history by ignoring or misrepresenting history (notably Ian N. Wood, Walter A. Goffart, Matthias Springer, Georg Scheibelreiter). See also Der Untergang des Thüringerreiches by Georg Scheibelreiter who in passing reveals some divergent suggestion by scribes of Late Antiquity (Die Frühzeit der Thüringer; de Gruyter 2009). 

The historiographical dilemma of 5^th to 6^th century naturally encompasses the family of Clodio, head of a Frankish dynasty in the very dark shadow of Gregory's brightly shining early Merovingians, and Albero of Mons (420–491), whom Emil Rückert, PhD, cites as Clodio's most influential son and brother-in-law of Theoderic the Great – a fact that obviously forbids to underrate the historical position of that 'Auberon' or any of his close kinsmen, cf The Geography and History of Mons translated by John Mack Gregory at THE HARLEIAN MISCELLANY Vol XI http://books.google.de/books?id=Qh0wAAAAYAAJ (retrieved Oct 2010). Rückert identifies Frankish King Clodio as grandfather of Audefleda by means of other local tradition, and he compares genealogical information about the early Merovingians also with the records of Jordanes. He is known as less chronological writer of a Gothic historia that conveys Frankish King Lodoin (cf 'cLodio') as her father who, however, cannot be verified as Childeric or Clovis considering spelling derivation as well as the names of Lodoin's sons (Celdebert, Heldebert, Thiudebert) provided by the historian of the Goths. Thus, Jordanes forwarded obviously confusing context of Frankish kings offspring. 

Following the research of Emil Rückert, Albero's relative Theoderic was called out King of the East Goths at that very time when Didrik was born according to Ritter's schedule – a correlation that seems to substantiate Theoderic as Didrik's godfather. And, actually, there is a trail from Clodio's son Albero to the ownership of Samson castle through old telling on Brabant and 'Hannonia' the author reconsidered in Die Nibelungen – Dichtung und Wahrheit from source research by Emil Rückert. Regarding some obvious coherent context at this instance, Samson and his descendants appear less Merovingian but more of other Frankish gender, as this will certainly correspond with geographical point of view. 

The author remarks at endnote 22 of his contribution Wadhincúsan, monasterium Ludewici, catalogued at the National German Library DNB:

It seems both subtle and flashy that Didrek's/Thidrek's father is named after Gregory's 'first known' rex Francorum whom he has recognized as Theudemar/Theudomer, as Eugen Ewig remarks well this ranking by disregarding Theudemar's father Richimer (libri historiarum II, 9) and Ostrogothic genealogy, cf Trojamythos und fränkische Frühgeschichte, RGA, Vol 19, 1998, pg 14. It also seems remarkable that the Guðrúnarkviða III [Guðrúnarkviða hin þriðja] calls Þioþrecr's father Þioþmar!

Regarding reliable genealogical information about Frankish kings of times until the middle of 5^th century, we only can say that Gregory left nothing more than assumption. 

Theuderic might have known parts of regions called later Ripuaria and Austrasia already before the death of King Clovis I. Although Gregory of Tours is remarkably focussing on Clovis' vita, the appearance of this king was reported hardly ever on territory between the Meuse and the Rhine. Thus, we further may imagine that Theuderic, not only in mission for Clovis, kept an eye on the largest metropolis on the Rhine: the former Roman Colonia with adjoining Bonn, the ecclesiastical-based Lower German Verona on the Rhine. 

After the death of King Sigebert of Cologne Gregory remarks Theuderic c. 523 at the aula regia of this metropolitan area. Since there is chronicler's tradition of 13^th century strongly connecting Bern with Bonn »by Bunna, dat heisz man dô Berne«,⁽¹¹⁾ we should consider that another but lost historical source could have mentioned Theuderic or Didrik of Bern emphatically appearing there. Regarding both Gregory's report (Liber vitae patrum VI, 2) and the ecclesiastical history of Lower German Verona–Bern, it would not seem inconsistent that Cologne's evident nickname Babilonia (cf endnote 13) was given up after the first successful Christian missions – with Gregory's demonstrative words seemingly initiated by Theuderic – to a Franco-Rhenish region called Berner Reich by Ritter. 

These items might qualify the historical Franco-Rhenish and Old German profile of Dietrich von Bern also by the Old Norse and Swedish manuscripts, at the first go rather shortsightedly than farsightedly isolated and redrawn by Ritter, in so far not committing a real faux pas, and certain bibliography. 

The records about local Hannonian history cited by Emil Rückert interestingly allow to be seen that the Merovingian kings Meroveus and, subsequently, Childeric have tolerated Clodio's descendants to administrate obviously no other regions than partially those of today's Netherlands and Belgium, and the large Eiffel lands between the Meuse and the Rhine: a territory which, however, expired at that very time when Merovingian King Clovis once had time to look over the lands beyond the Meuse and to engage the murderers of King Sigebert of Cologne. Thereafter this territory of unquestionable strategic importance was forwarded to a son of 'any heathen concubine', but not to any of King Clovis' legal sons!

Could a splendid planning Theuderic or Didrik, oath-breaker against Sigfrid in a case of honour, take later revenge on his kinsman Ermenrik (cf the 8^th item) without using an army of his own folk? Did one of them pretend beyond the Rhine to be still an expelled king, since one of them could not motivate Franks to fight against Franks? The Old Norse and Swedish scribes report on Didrik's attack against Ermenrik at a place called Gransport to which he came with an army from King Atala.

Samson, Didrik's grandfather as well as identically spelled Salian location, actually seem to be the key players. The records about the early Frankish history of Brabant and Hannonia let also raise the question whether Lord Samson left Salernae rather compulsorily as an important pioneer of a kingdom in an area that Gregory's translator W. Giesebrecht and other historians have ascribed to 'Ripuaria'.⁽¹²⁾

Some authors raise the objection that narration by Thidreks saga would not be related mainly to 5^th century and first third of the next for the most part, rather referring to events to be dated earlier for at least one or two centuries. Regarding those Thetmars in Samson's line to this item, we actually can find an earlier Frankish king who was spelled fairly identically with those Nordic Thetmars: King Theudemer de Thérouanne (374–414). Possibly semi-legendary, as some historian would judge him, he was noted as spouse of Blésinde de Cologne. Theudemer, titled magister militum in 383 and consul in 384, is mentioned by both Gregory and Fredegaire as an early Frankish king – as Clodio's predecessor by the latter. That Theudemer was supposedly congenial with Jovinus, a Gallic senator who, on instigation of the Burgundians, misleadingly proclaimed himself Roman Emperor (411 to 413) before he finally was captured and executed. Clodio's predecessor is believed to have shared the same fate with that Jovinus. 

The Genealogy of Piat-Herrero provides the bloodline of Theudemer, son of King Richimer de Thérouanne, to remarkable extent. The former was also captured and executed with his spouse by the Romans. That data notes Theudemer's son and successor Clogio (Clodio) as 'Le Cheveulu' ('the Longhaired'). Since his lifetime is roughly estimated from 400 to 450, he appears as contemporary of Samson by Ritter's schedule. Clodio is chiefly known as conqueror of some western lands on the Somme and of Cambrai which he later forwarded to one of his sons (notably E. Rückert). Would Clodio's environment thus be of interest in order to detect Samson on the subject of Piat-Herrero's and other sources comprehensiveness and reliability? Nonetheless, the political failure of both Jovinus and King Theudemer corresponds with the basic item that the Romans would not have tolerated those vast and manifested conquests initiated by Samson and continued by his loyal son Ermenrik in the times before the first decades of 5^th century – until that point in time when Aëtius, the great Roman Magister militum, could destroy Burgundy in Germania superior finally with Hunnish warriors. 

A view to the time 'post Aëtius' nevertheless allows to detect the Roman Eagle being bled white on the upper and middle Rhine. Thus, at the beginning of the second half of 5^th century, the first Franks in the area of the later defined 'Ripuaria' could seize the opportunity to enlarge their territory. 

Gregory let us know that King Clovis supported his cousin Sigebert of Cologne against the Alemannians on Zülpich location. The Old Norse and Swedish scribes inform us that Franco-Rhenish king Sigfrid was brother-in-law and neighbour of King Gunnar, ruler of the Niflunga, at the same place and time by Ritter's schedule. Helmut de Boor already took into consideration that the removal of the Franko-Rhenish Sigibert could have been primarily in Theuderic's interest, in so far contemplating on an interesting connection between Siegfried the Hero, Thidrekssaga and Theuderic: Hat Siegfried gelebt? PBB 63, p. 254, ISSN 1865-9373 (W. de Gruyter).

When King Clovis was dwelling at Paris he sent secretly to the son of Sigibert saying: 'Behold your father has become an old man and limps in his weak foot. If he should die,' said he, 'Of due right his kingdom would be yours together with our friendship.' Led on by greed the son plotted to kill his father. And when his father went out from the city of Cologne and crossed the Rhine and was intending to journey through the wood Buchaw, as he slept at midday in his tent his son sent assassins in against him, and killed him there, in the idea that he would get his kingdom But by God's judgment he walked into the pit that he had cruelly dug for his father. He sent messengers to king Clovis to tell about his father's death, and to say: 'My father is dead, and I have his treasures in my possession, and also his kingdom. Send men to me, and I shall gladly transmit to you from his treasures whatever pleases you.' And Clovis replied: 'I thank you for your good will, and I ask that you show the treasures to my men who come, and after that you shall possess all yourself.' When they came, he showed his father's treasures. And when they were looking at the different things he said: 'It was in this little chest that my father used to put his gold coins. ' ' Thrust in your hand, ' said they, 'to the bottom, and uncover the whole.' When he did so, and was much bent over, one of them lifted his hand and dashed his battle­ax against his head, and so in a shameful manner he incurred the death which he had brought on his father. Clovis heard that Sigibert and his son had been slain, and came to the place and summoned all the people, saying: ' Hear what has happened. When I,'said he, 'was sailing down the river Scheldt Cloderic, son of my kinsman, was in pursuit of his own father asserting that I wished him killed. And when his father was fleeing through the forest of Buchaw, he set highwaymen upon him, and gave him over to death, and slew him. And when he was opening the treasures, he was slain himself by some one or other. Now I know nothing at all of these matters. For I cannot shed the blood of my own kinsmen, which it is a crime to do. But since this has happened, I give you my advice, if it seems acceptable; turn to me, that you may be under my protection.' They listened to this, and giving applause with both shields and voices, they raised him on a shield, and made him king over them. He received Sigibert's kingdom with his treasures, and placed the people, too, under his rule. For God was laying his enemies low every day under his hand, and was increasing his kingdom, because he walked with an upright heart before him, and did what was pleasing in his eyes.

The Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga seem to complete Gregory's report on Clovis and Sigebert. These are the most important items considering the view of the Old Norse and Swedish scribes: 

1.	Sigfrid as well as Sigebert were contemporary kings of rather smallest area between Cologne and Zülpich.

2.	Sigfrid had also a treasure hidden somewhere in the woodlands.

3.	Sigfrid had also to cross the Rhine to go there.

4.

Sigfrid, victim of a family plot, was also slain while on a trip into the 'Lyr' woodlands on eastern side of the Rhine. Incidentally, Buc(h)onia has to be regarded as less specific Frankish expression being used rather for any hilly woodland beyond the Rhine, cf Fr bûcheron: woodcutter. The GuðrúnarkviðaII, 7 likes to confirm that Sigfrid (= Sigurd) was slain somewhere on the other side of the river, as Grimhild (Old Norse: Gudrun) remembers this detail: Gunnar hung his head, but Hogni told me of Sigurd's cruel death. "Beyond the river slaughtered lies Guthorm's murderer, and to the wolves given ... Intertextual exploration of Thidreks saga, Volsunga saga and the Nibelungenlied allows to conclude that 'Guthorm', slaughterer of Sigurd, was replaced with 'Gernoz' (the Upper German 'Gernot') for epic insertion and amplification of Hogni. Regarding his performance towards Sigfrid, however, we should contemplate the Nibelungenlied, Thidreks saga and Didriks chronicle taking pattern from manslaughter's part of Gui and Bove in the poem of Daurel et Beton, obviously written in first half of 13th century. This literary work has been ascribed to the 'Cycle of Charlemagne'. (The author of the Volsunga saga could have taken the Sigurðarkviða II to transfer the place of murder to the hall of residence.)

5.

Sigfrid died also at the place of his treasure, as these circumstances seem to provide evidence:  Hagen must have known exactly its position because the mother of his son Aldrian could successfully forward the key and the route to that place to the boy. Hagen, he had told Brynhild that Sigfrid's power would be stronger than his own, could only get the key to the lockable cave from Sigfrid's dead body by choosing that safest as well as lethal way.

Thus, the dead Cloderic seems to be Gregory's and Clovis' subject, since the former retells us that the latter needs him for the folk to give them fallacious reasoning of the murderous plot, whereas the dead Sigfrid appears as remaining subject to the assassins and the Old Norse and Swedish texts recounting that the murderers need his dead body to shock Grimhild with revenge. 

The source of these manuscripts connects both the identity of the assassins and Babilonia with the large region of Cologne⁽¹³⁾ that seems to be closely related to Sigfrid and his realm on occasion of the Nibelungs' fatal march to their sister Grimhild: When their rearguard, commanded by King Gunnar and Hagen, was approaching the opposite bank of the Rhine at Duna Crossing just a few miles to the north of Cologne, Hagen slew the ferryman on board and apologetically said to his protesting half-brother Gunnar: 

A short time later Hagen met a guardian on the eastern banks of the Rhine, and that man called Eckivard warned him with these words: 

Regarding the murderous plot on Sigfrid and Sigebert, Gregory does not explicitly narrate the same circumstances of death as the Old Norse and Swedish manuscripts, however. 

Both kings Sigfrid and Sigebert were surely popular in large regions on both sides of the Rhine. The place of Sigfrid's hoard, his 'treasure cave' as mentioned in the Old Norse and Swedish manuscripts, is geographically related to the Lurvald, largest woodland region of the later Westphalia. Incidentally, J. Baptiste Gramaye, chronicler of Antiquitates Brabantiae; Nivella p. 3 n. 9, notes 'Sigibertus et Moringus in vita S(anta) Wiberti'. Nevertheless, both Sigfrid and Sigebert seem of Merovingian descent and thus kinsmen of Clovis who proclaimed the same to the folk in the region of Cologne. The Old Norse scribes correspondingly conveyed Sigfrid's mother as daughter of King 'Nidung' who ruled the Hesbaye (cf Sv 148–152), a former Salian area that nowadays belongs to Belgium. As the author could remark in his book Die Nibelungen – Dichtung und Wahrheit by means of Emil Rückert's research into Frankish onomastics of the Merovingians,⁽¹⁵⁾ the position of King 'Nidung', Old Nordic name for 'hater', seems to be reserved for King Meroveus ('Moroveus', 'Morung', 'Morvung'), the father of 'ORTVANGERIS', as this spelling can express a son of '(M)OR.VANGER'. Emil Rückert underlines that Childeric, son of Meroveus, appears as Jutlandish Hjalprek in both Volsunga saga and heroic lays of the Elder Edda. These texts mention him as an obvious mighty leader who cares for Sigurd after the death of his father Sigmund. A 'Cheldric' also appears as 'Saxon' chief in the Historia Regum Britanniae!

The Thidreks saga and Didriks chronicle provide an interesting geographic detail by chapter Mb 62: 

Has the first Merovingian already been ruling over some territory outside of Salia, particularly Frisian coastland up to the north-western cap of Jutland? Fredegaire, protagonist of unbelievable Greek descent of the Franks, nevertheless can provide an interesting unvoluntary metonymy. The founder of the Merovingian dynasty, as he writes about the origo of the Franks, was a bizarre individual that came across the sea to have a son with the spouse of Frankish King Clodio: The mythical Minotaur as the very best creature for the impressing horns on a furry alien helmet of a fierce or unfathomed Nordic chief, but not, as he suggests, that figure of Greek origin?⁽¹⁶⁾ Thus, we should focus further interest also on that part of Jutland which the Old Norse scribes remarked as King Nidung's territory (see attachment Merovingian Origin Location).

A concerted effort to synchronize some apparently analogous or completing pattern from Frankish chronicles, Hannonian records of local history, and Svava plus Thidreks saga/Membrane, may result in the following chart of early Merovingian and Frankish genealogy. Its predicate is also endorsed by Mb 9 (restored by the A/B MSS): 

Insofar the above remembered Theudemer seems to meet the demand on corresponding historical, chronological and genealogical environment. 

The genealogical perceptions of the Old Norse and Swedish manuscripts and Gregory of Tours would not suggest to identify Thidrek/Didrik as Theuderic I at the first go. Eugen Ewig and the RGA estimate his mother descended from a family of Cologne (Eugen Ewig: Francia 18/1, pg 49). Since Thidrek's father Thetmar II plays a colourless short part in the Thidreks saga and the Didriks chronicle, the prime author of these texts might have interpolated a patriotic-based introduction of this figure. Interestingly, these texts provide a Jarl Elsung the Younger, a close relative of Elsung the Elder who formerly was slain by Samson. 'The Younger' is known as ruler of Babilonia that Ritter identified as Colonia – Cologne, 'the Elder' as father of Odilia who possibly was introduced as the Franco-Rhenish 'Evochildis' at the court of Clovis. 

The pseudo-Fredegaire (c. 660) notes that

However, the 'Chronicle of Frankish Kings', known as the Liber historiae Francorum or the Gesta regnum Francorum of 726/727, ascribes Clodio to son of Faramond, son of Marchomir to whom the liber's writer(s) draw on certain Trojan narrative from the Priam and Antenor Legend. 

Christian Settipani, of Augustan Society Inc., genealogist of Charlemagne's Ancestry (Les Ancestres de Charlemagne; Editions Christian, Paris 1989), orders these Frankish records in accordance with this rating: 

As modern research has been trying to point out, there might be some circumstantial evidence that Frankish historiographers of second half of 6^th to first half of 7^th century were premeditatedly replacing basic facts about early Frankish history by an absurd core of Trojan legends (notably Eugen Ewig: Trojamythos und fränkische Frühgeschichte, 1996, 1998; Troja und die Franken, 2009).

Alfred Anscombe, British Historian, already introduced Eormenric ('Ermenrik') intriguingly by The Widsith. Anscombe detected him on that very same location close to the later German Westphalia that Ritter actually specified about half-a-century later. Moreover, the discussion and research initiated by Anscombe provided Ermenrik as

This kinship between the Franco-Rhenish Theoderic and Atala, leader of the Lower Saxon 'Hunas', projects his mother as a daughter of Didrik's grandfather or, the other way round, Didrik's mother as a sister of Atala's father. While any consanguinity between Didrik and Atala is not provided by the writers of the Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga, it seems to substantiate the good terms and common interests of both kings. 

Ritter has expressively considered the libri Teutonici of certain connotation. An author referring to this edition is Flodoard (894–966), historiographer and archivist at the cathedral of Reims for the most time of his life. He is known as creditable writer, especially by means of his ecclesiastical chronicle of Rheims. Flodoard left a passage taken from a letter that archbishop Fulco wrote under political strain between Charles the 'Simple-minded' (called out by unction from Fulco for making him counter-king against King Odo) and Arnulf, king of the eastern Franks, to the latter in 893. In it, Fluco forwards some warning arguments to Arnulf, and he also refers to this example as reminding him about the history of his dynasty: 

Whom is Fluco remembering? Apart from the real Ermanaric I, is he that Odoacer who retrospectively has been taken for 'Ermanaric II' since he was killed by Theoderic the Great? Or does Fluco just mean that mighty chief of 'Roma secunda' who killed his offspring on recommendation of his impious advisor, and who actually was former king of that very territory that now belonged to Arnulf? If the archbishop bears in mind the latter, he could have given enough personal attributes. 

Regarding Ermenrik's ancestry, the above given synchronizing chart complies with tradition that Albero of Mons, persistently claiming some Salian land as dominant son of Clodio by Rückert's research, was successively the right legal heir of Samson('s) castle, as this detail completes his great-uncle's emigration by means of the Svava and Thidreks saga. Another more or less significant buttress appears as ancestral name forwarding by an interesting nexus between Theudemer's father RICHEMER (related with French spelling) and Samson's son Ermenrik (related to Nordic spelling) through simple half-word interchange: EMER-RICH (ch = k). Samson met 'Thetmar', the brother of this father, accidentally after the first had slain the noble brothers Brunstein and Rodger. That certainly kingly Thetmar, bearing a golden lion on his red shield (Mb 5 of A/B MSS), came to aid his explicit nephew whose murderous coup had become known (Sv 4, Mb 5 of A/B MSS). Thus, Samson would have had good reason to remember him with name forwarding to one of his later born sons. 

Samson's father does not correspond with that prototype of King Arthur whom the Samson saga fagra loves to expose to some light of Lancelot romance. Furthermore, regarding Ritter's schedule, we cannot reconsider here the Thidreks saga manuscripts mentioning a king spelled 'Arkimannus', the shortly called King Arthur, whose surviving but expelled two sons received new duchies or counties from King Atala. (The Samson saga fagra was recently published in 1953 by John Wilson who refers to the edition Samfund til udgivelse af Gammel Nordisk Litteratur, Vol LXV; Copenhagen 1880. Henry Goddard Leach left its summary in his publication Angevin Britain and Scandinavia; pg 232.) 

He is mentioned in the heroic poem Waldere and in the appendix of the German Heldenbuch. An earlier remark of Weland provides The Lament of Deor, an elegy of 8^th century. The Beowulf connects best armour with Weland's work.

The Weland part of Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga, which both Ritter and the author have placed into the decades from 440 to 470 (see Ritter's schedule), provides that King Nidung was ruling not only over Salian territory Hesbaye ('Hesbania'), but also his realm on Jutlandish location. The manuscripts refer to his daughter called 'Heren' (Icelandic redaction A, intertextually to be identified with 'Beaduhild') and three of his sons living there. Weland, being cited in Geoffrey of Monmouth's Vita Merlini as 'Pocula que sculpsit Guielandus in urbe Sigeni', fled across Weser river and the North Sea to Jutland with a specially prepared trunk serving him well as a watercraft. In order to save his life, he had slain his outstandingly skilled masters for his father's unwillingly broken oath at 'Ballova' Smithy, a rather small location 30 miles far from Siegen town ('in urbe Sigeni'). Geoffrey of Monmouth never mentions Ballova in his literary work, but the Didriks chronicle and the Thidreks saga never Siegen! The Waltharius remarks Weland shortly with these words at lines 965 & 966:

Weland, grandson of King Vilkinus, was recorded as superb working smith and artist of his time, certainly appearing as an early predecessor of Leonardo da Vinci. However, Weland became victim of intrigues from some man of King Nidung, and so he secretly took murderous revenge on his two youngest but innocent sons for laming him by order of that probably unsuspecting big ruler. Thereafter Weland made his daughter pregnant at his forge and finally left the king with an aircraft that corresponds well with a simple modern windsurfing glider, as Ritter has explanatorily interjected (Der Schmied Weland, including a nautical expert's opinion of Weland's passage.). We naturally would remember at this point Daedalus of Greek mythology, the extraordinary inventor and master craftsman who devised the Cretan Labyrinth for the fierce Minotaur: King Mino, to whom Daedalus fled after he had committed murder, would not allow him to leave the Minotaur's special dwelling from which he could escape by artificial wings nevertheless. We thus may wonder if there were any better literary innuendo for Weland's literary biographer to confirm and analogize Fredegaire's Minotaur with King Nidung! Maurus Servius Honoratus, late 4^th-century grammarian, left an interesting commentary on Virgil that the crippled Vulcan, metal-smith of the gods, attempted to violate goddess Minerva when she met him for forging service. If the scribe of Weland's vita had transformed this anecdote, the manuscripts certainly would be basing on scholarly background! 

i A method of refining iron by digestion of birds is believed to be traditionally kept as a secret in China and Tibet. Ritter remarks that the usage of bird excretion for making nitriding steel of astonishing high quality was scientifically verified by

Dr Karl Daeves, Technical Engineer:

Rundschau deutscher Technik, Nr. 26, 20. Jg., Germany 1940;

Dr J. Heddaeus, Technical Engineer:

Das Werk, Heft 9, Jg. 1936, published by Vereinigte Stahlwerke AG, Germany.

See linked reference titled

The Steel of Weland the Smith – Summaries of Scientific Analyses.

»... a cast gold solidus, found in Schweindorf near Aurich in 1948. Now in the Ostfriesisches Landesmuseum, Emden. Date 575–625.

Runes run left: weladu or þeladu.

The initial rune has a large loop, from the top of the headstaff to the bottom, so either w or þ may be read. As þeladu does not render something meaningful, generally the reading wela[n]du is preferred. This is a personal name Wela(n)du, cf Old English Weland, Old Norse-Icelandic Volundr, New German Wieland <

*wsla-handuz, nominative singular maskuline: u-stem, ‘trickster'. (Düwel/Tempel 1968/70; Beck 1981:69ff. with references). The first part of the compound is *wel – ‘trick, ruse' cf Old Nordic vél ‘artifice, craft, device' followed by the suffix -and < Germanic *handuz.

The name might refer to the well-known legendary smith Weland.«

A maternal line in the synchronizing chart related to the early Merovingians can reveal that an important political relationship between the emerging Franks and their eastern neighbours, whose common Germanic ancestors were severely subjugated by the Romans, was hereditarily sealed in the Hesbaye in the middle of 5^th century between King Nidung and King Sigmund, cf Sv 148 and Ritter's schedule: King Sigmund married King Nidung's daughter 'Sissibe'. After an obvious epic insertion dealing with the birth and vanishing of their son Sigfrid ('Sigurd'), appearing as an adaptation of the Frankish Genoveva legend enriched with motives of the birth of Moses and the saga of Romulus and Remus, the third writer of the oldest available manuscript relates the hero's youth at Mime the Smith. In this period Sigfrid fell in (hot) love with Queen Brynhild 'the Virgin' on location quoted as 'Svava': the Harz, certainly most attracting Lower German region.⁽¹⁷⁾ On recommendation of Brynhild, Sigfrid moved to King Isung and his gorgeous sons the Old Norse scribes know as strongest fighters – actually a mighty ruler family of a very important political and economical territory: King Isung's land between the Harz and the mouth of Elbe river, the latter nowadays pertaining to Hamburg, was both bordering on the territories of martial Baltic tribes and guaranteeing enormous toll and tax profits for Scandinavian trade routes.

Didrik's 'Grand Banquet Mission', a trip to big fighting event at King Isung (Sv 177–209, Mb 190–226), rather appears as tricky political campaign for making Sigfrid submissive to think about his father's connection with the family of a Salian ruler: It certainly was already some good land around the Eiffel the eager Niflunga were administering – did Didrik need an extraordinary trustee for holding them in check?

Sigfrid's name can surely express his special thick skin that even Theophanis the Confessor knew as characteristic hereditary mark going with the Merovingians: an obvious ichthyosis hystrix, striking form of skin disease. Abbot Theophanis, most important Byzantine co-author of a world chronicle from 284 to 813, allows to conclude 'bristles of swine growing on Merovingian spine'. Referring to the translation of C. Mango and R. Scott, Edward G. Fichtner quotes Theophanis' entry for the year 723–724 with these words:

The descendants of that line [the Merovingian line] were called Kristatai, which means 'hairy backs' [trichorachatai]: for, like pigs, they had bristles sprouting from their back.  (Edward G. Fichtner: Sigfrid's Merovingian Origins, 2004, pg 335.)

Jan de Vries, eminent editor of Old Nordic etymologic dictionary Altnordisches etymologisches Wörterbuch; Leiden 1962, tries to enlighten us on Sigfrid's name and nature: 

Thus, German affix -fried or -frid seems to accomplish best nicknaming, since it is old suffix for strong male nature or property, cf 'Burgfried' for biggest tower of a castle or fortress. 

Regarding Thidrek's and Atala's operations in these regions, eg the political interests of the latter holding Hildigund hostage, the daughter of Ilias af Gercekia ('Grecia', 'Greka'), H.-J. Hube annotates (op cit: pg 34 ann 2) that Adam von Bremen (German chronicler of 11^th century, am) provides Graecus and Graecen as general expression for the Slavs. 

While the Old Norse and Swedish texts report on several campaigns of Dietrich and Atala in Baltic regions between Western Pomerania and Byelorussia, Procopius of Caesarea makes an insertion related to the marriage of a sister of Theodibert and, insofar, likely a daughter of Theuderic I. She became spouse of Hermegis ('Hermegisclus') and his son Radigis, kings of the Varnii. These people (Germ 'Warnen') have been connected with Mecklenburg locations Warnemünde and Warnow, likewise Warnow river, in Migration Period. After the death of his father Hermegis, as Procopius continues his report in Gothic Wars IV, 20, Radigis cancelled intended marriage with a princess of 'Brittia' in order to marry his father's spouse due to dynastic convention. Procopius completes that the 'Brittian' princess thereupon confronted Radigis martially with her fleet and finally made him to keep his former promise. Since Procopius has introduced and integrated 'Brittia' island with some confusing description obviously related to 'Britannia' (Great Britian), he or the composer(s) of his source could have mislocated possible participation of Bertanga on the Elbe, location of Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga.

The Thidreks saga appears as being based on a chronicle or historia rendering an eulogy of most important 'Austrasian' King Theuderic. However, even Didrik's biography provided with the Old Swedish Didriks-krönikan has to be regarded fragmentary and unfinished: Just at the time when he was celebrated King of Roma II, Sv 356 (cf Mb 414), his curriculum vitae is drawing to an end. The remaining last parts of this chronicle relate Aldrian's revenge of the Niflunga – that ends on the last sheet of the oldest available MS – and three epic implantations: The first deals with 'Bergara' (Sv: 'Brugare') that the author identifies with Bergen, place of translation by the Old Norse scribes who traditionally were editing epic stuff and thus leaving their narrative imprint in this way. The second is Heimir's episode at Wadhincusan monastery which Roswitha Wisniewski recognizes as the literary signature of the Lower German chronicler Ludewicus, a provable scriptor and copyist of a precious bible at Wedinghausen monastery in 13^th century.⁽¹⁸⁾ The third appears as revenge-based depiction of Didrik's epic death. 

Gregory relates Theuderic acting not before 507. Thereafter our Frankish chronicler mentions him on campaigns against the Auvergne (523/524), Thuringia (c. 530), and a Frankish chief called Mundericus (532/533). The Thuringian War, however, might stand in strategical connection with the Niflunga downfall at Soest dated between 527 and 530 for some archaeological item. Considering Theuderic's biographical gap between 507/508 and 523/524 and his following actions, the vita of this Frankish king rather appears completed by the Old Norse and Swedish manuscripts.

Regarding the exposition of Didrik's exile, we obviously have to consider the ethical side of his humiliation that might have been lasting as long as he could not compensate his expulsion. Although he could not cross the territory of his kinsman called Ermenrik at that time, as suffering Gransport defeat, he could have been able to make an early campaign mentioned afore. An interpretation bearing also the implication that Gregory had suppressed contemporary history of Roma II and other territories between the Meuse and the Rhine – as he actually did for his very fragmentary biography of Theuderic. As to the other item in this connection, Gregory's readers tend to believe that Theuderic was crowned in no time after Clovis' death, thereafter residing on locations called Mettae and Remi – though Gregory does not say a word about the date and place of Theuderic's coronation. According to archaeological research, however, Roma II was definitely larger and more precious colonia of the eastern Frankish regions by far when Theuderic ascended the throne. This context does not correspond with basic political principles of Late Antiquity and Migration Era. More to this point, we cannot substantiate neither Metz nor Rheims as Theuderic's residence (notably Roger Collins 1983).

Listening to the Didriks chronicle, Thidreks saga, and Gregory for events in Lower and Mid Germany, however, Didrik was back in the Eiffel at that very time when Theuderic

A fatally shrinking space for homeland of two different Frankish individuals at this instant! A fragment of a Roman wall, supporting Gregory's localization, has been archeologically proved at Zülpich by Ursula Heimberg (Publisher: Landesmuseum Bonn, Sonderheft Rheinische Ausgrabungen '78, Köln/Bonn 1979, pg 90). The geostrategical importance of Zülpich from Roman times to 5^th century underlines Eugen Ewig (Rheinische Geschichte Bd. 1,2, pg 15). Interestingly in Frankish-Thuringian context, a fragment of Saxon chronicle De origine Sueborum relates that Hermanfrid fled in 531 to a leader called 'Attila' after a lost battle against the Franks. This message might supplement the entry made by the chronicler of the Lower Saxon Annales Quedlinburgenses (see above)! 

When Didrik/Thidrek returned home to his residence in the outer Eiffel, he knew that the western part of an area called later Lower Saxony was too weak to repulse any further attack coming from the other side of the Rhine (Mb 395–396). When Theuderic was back on home location in the outer Eiffel, c. 531, he removed the deprived last king of Thuringia.

Furthermore, the Old Norse and Swedish texts clearly provide that Thidrek/Didrik took over the later Westphalia – part of Hunaland with its capital Susa/Susat – after the death of its ruler (cf Sv 369 with Mb 428). This is indissoluble political strategy of Frankish expansion related to first half of 6^th century, rightly considering subtle positions of the historical Dietrich complying with the crafty character of Theuderic. 

Moreover, we again must state an incredibly shrinking area for two different Theoderics when turning once more to the vitae of Didrik/Thidrek and Theuderic. This is encyclopaedic quotation referring to Theuderic I. who in third decade of 6^th century reconsolidated Trier = Roma II after its period of destructive arbitrary rule: 

At that time, considering a difference of less than 2 or 3 years, King Didrik (had) liberated Roma II (Trier on the Moselle) from its insidious ruler Sevekin, successor of despotic King Ermenrik. Incidentally, the Old Norse and Swedish manuscripts annotate King Didrik's conversion into Christianity in accordance with that corresponding moment when Bishop Nicetius talked seriously with Theuderic I. 

With a view to an apparently corresponding spouse of both Frankish kings the author remarks at http://www.badenhausen.net/harz/svava/ZwoelfumDietrichvonBern.htm (retrieved June 2012):

The scribe(s) of the Old Swedish texts left a chronicle, neither one of those 'fornaldarsögur', sagas written before Iceland's ethnological starting point, nor one of those 'riddarasögur', chivalrous tales written thereafter by Old Norse 'fabulatores' for amusement at medieval courts. Roswitha Wisniewski, whose postdoctoral work about the Niflunga downfall by Thidreks saga has been either attacked unconvincingly or ignored enormously by her colleagues, provides persuasive evidence that the German source of Thidreks saga is significantly based on narrational style that unquestionably belongs to the first category. 

Hans-Jürgen Hube, expert in Nordic literature (Humboldt Universität Berlin, Nordeuropa-Institut, em), estimates the manuscripts rather being based on a chronicle written in 12^th–13^th century,⁽¹⁹⁾ and he reasonably detects some basic conviction provided by Susanne Kramarz-Bein, of the bunch around Heinrich Beck and other questionable researchers across the Thidreks saga, as spitzfindig. 

Addressing undiscerning and intentionally ignoring communis opinio, Ritter provides convincing arguments that the Old Norse and Swedish texts cannot meet the conditional framework to ascribe them to any Ostrogothic saga on Theoderic the Great. Since there is actually no evidence to the contrary, it now seems clear that acknowledged historical contexts of Migration Period in Eastern Frankish, North-German and Baltic regions cannot disprove both the basic political contents of these manuscripts and Ritter's conclusions. Following his validations, advanced explorations of these texts do not necessitate polemic protection of defacto obsolete research suggesting an oral-based (!) 'process operative' called 'localization' for 'transmitted events', therewith pleading for a special kind of 'pseudo-localization' for 'pseudo-history'. However, such dubious approach and solidification pays no attention to any further provision of evidence, but deducing smartly an overestimation of the exactness of history as preserved in oral traditions instead. Pretty statements emending themselves to quite more plausible form of non-oral text transmission. (Wikipedia's Legends about Theoderic the Great; retrieved 2011-05-17 and 2013-03-24.)

Johan Peringskiöld clearly distinguished in 1715 between Old Norse literary category SAGA and the script he provided under the title Ritter has demonstrated that the fundamental literary problem of Thidreks SAGA has been carried by its title, and he conclusively states that we cannot ascribe the texts obviously translated from a German 'Großwerk' (notably Roswitha Wisniewski, cf eg Hermann Reichert [1992] for problematic context of oral transmission connected with the eldest manuscript)⁽²⁰⁾ to neither a 'saga' because of available renditions of Migration Period history – recognized records about its era are characteristically depending on biased manners of narrational performance – nor Legends about Theoderic the Great.

In all this respect, veritable modern research in Thidreks saga and the Old Swedish texts would not longer ascribe neither unwritten content nor any clearly different context to Ostrogothic saga environment of Theoderic the Great (notably eg Walter Böckmann 1981, Helmut G. Vitt 1985, Ernst F. Jung 1987, Hanswilhelm Haefs 2004). Regarding circumspectly the literary categories of Old Norse bibliography, the Thidreks 'saga' rather has to be re-evaluated as an  i m p o r t e d   h i s t o r i c a l   s o u r c e. A material of literary gender that King Hákon's scribes might have translated with same trustworthiness as, for instance, the Trójumanna saga, Alexanders saga, Rómverja saga, Gyðlinga saga, Veraldar saga. Friedrich Heinrich von der Hagen, translator of German edition of Thidreks saga, mentions in his foreword a Latin manuscript whose missing direct speech can be detected in the prosaic text, cf Johan Peringskiöld 1715. Its source, not unlikely post-edited by a Norse Latin writer, is exposed to further discussion in the author's contribution Wadhincúsan, monasterium Ludewici. Regarding this cleric as the prime author and provider of the Old Norse and Swedish renditions, he certainly could have either compared or  r e c o n f i r m e d   his manuscript with German lays: segja þýðersk kvæði (eg Mb 433).