The revising literary research into Norse and Nordic
traditions, as initiated by the late Heinz Ritter-Schaumburg, PhD, might motivate
not only experts in Late Antiquity and pre-medieval times to take note of some
new interesting context: The Nordic 'Þiðreks Saga' and
Old Swedish 'Didriks chronicle', closely related to the saga of Dietrich von Bern,
seem to throw back certain narrative light from Frankish history provided by
Gregory of Tours, Fredegaire, and the 'Chronicle of Frankish Kings'.
|
|
Contradicting to scholastic
conviction, Ritter has evaluated the medieval Old Swedish texts he shortly called
Svava, catalogued as Skokloster-Codex-I/115&116
quarto,
|
Heinz Ritter's basic
reference for his verbatim translation is 'SAGAN OM DIDRIK AF BERN efter svenska
handskrifter' by Gunnar Olof Hyltén-Cavallius, published at Stockholm,
1850-1854. Publisher of the Svava in German language: Otto Reichl Verlag,
St. Goar, Germany.
|
|
Nevertheless, regarding a circumspect re-evaluation of all
afore mentioned and other known records of occidental antiquity, we have to consider
a sharp natural limit that was forming the big border between the Roman Empire
and Germanic tribes, and, later again, the Franks and Saxons: The Rhine.
Apparently, our Frankish chroniclers would not cross that river to have
a look at the outlandish folk beyond; and almost all their foreign colleagues
seem to have left a blank sheet about their history, particularly from
the times after the downfall of the Roman Empire to Charlemagne.
The original narrative geography Heinz Ritter's Nordic Rhine Map
provides a terminological impression of the contemporary central Rhine
border-land, the result of his diligent verification of the textual location and
river names of that area.
With respect to the localization of the Region
of Bern, 5th to 6th century, the
1st Century Roman Eiffel Map by Kurt
Stade,3
Prof PhD, shows for instance two traditional locations of noteworthy contextual importance:
Breinig
('Breinigerbg.')
at the exceptional Gallic-Roman temple site VARNE. Although the contemporary Roman
name of Breinig was not handed down, there is convincing derivation
basing on
Varneniacum - Bareniacum - Bereniacum.4
Rimburg
('Rimbg.'),
being estimated to represent different Norse and Nordic spelling forms
of 'Ram-', 'Raam-' for a fortressed place 'burg' (bg.) that must be not
far from Bern through the context of the MSS.
|
Since Heinz Ritter has thoroughly translated the
Old Swedish Didriks chronicle and reviewed the Thidreks saga MSS, we might conclude
that Saxony and Jutlandish territories, both belonging to important narrative areas,
were home location of the first eyewitnesses and medieval historiographers who
forwarded remarkable events related to a king of obvious Rhine-Frankish descent. |
 |
An ancient seal of Trier on the Moselle (11th century). |
| Nonetheless, we must carefully study their records to
find some synchronous or completing passages about Frankish Rhine politics
of 5th and the first third of
6th century. Regarding
the Rhine again as dominant natural and cultural border, however, they seem
to have had nearly the same limited geographical horizon of recitation as
their Frankish colleagues vice versa. Thus, besides
primal
geographical terminology, we have to consider the Nordic writers' farthest
known southern centre ROME as 'Roma secunda',
whose spelling, localization and significance is unmistakably provable as the
Roman Augusta
Treverorum5
through some historical texts. However, we should not expect
a detailed recitation of the Merovingian bloodline from Didrik's 'biographers'
who certainly were not crossing the Meuse westwards (thus providing
fragmentary views), but we should keep an eye on the right sequence of more
than 300 chapters written by the scribes of the Didriks chronicle and
Thidreks saga.
|
 |
 |
|
 |
 |
|
 |
|
King Theuderic I = King Didrik of Bern ?
|
Kemp Malone, Prof PhD, and Karl Simrock, Prof PhD, eminent
translator of the Nibelungenlied MSS, identified 'Dietrich von Bern' with
Theuderic I. However, they did not provide detailed studies supporting their
opinion based on some remarkable literary mingling of figure and character; cf
Wolfdietrich poetry fading over the unbelievable historical space of its
protagonist to the geographic area of Theodoric the Great.
We must state deficient biographical information about the young Theuderic, mentioned as most talented son of Clodovocar I or 'Clovis' in the texts written by Bishop Gregory of Tours, principal Frankish chronicler whom we have to credit with truth telling, and who certainly appears more informative than the pseudonymous Fredegaire. Unfortunately, Gregory has not left a line to find the answers to these urgent questions about King Clovis' first son: |
|
Fact is that King Clovis could rely on Theuderic for
difficult and hazardous missions, eg against the Visigoths. On the subject
of this operation, the chronicles reveal that only the powerful appearance
of King Theodoric the Great could stop the splendid campaign of Theuderic.
Nonetheless, we may wonder whether he was discriminated against his
favourable brothers Chlotar, Childebert and Chlodomer, whose mother was the
honourable Saint Clotilde of Burgundian dynasty; and we may also wonder
whether Theuderic trained his skilfulness and sophistication by keeping
out of King Clovis' vulgar ways. Thus, we may consequently ask:
Did that young-aged man rather turn to an adventurous eastern
border area of the Franks? We must think of great possibility that he could
have received a certain part of Rhine-Frankish land as operation base and
place of residence from his father and/or the local leader of
Francia Rinensis, that part of land which Theuderic actually
inherited later as part of Austrasia:
Bern, apparently being proved as location
between German towns Aachen and Bonn, was an excellent geographical centre
of that area, the best place for both Theuderic or Didrik to start any
exiting exploration into the dangerous depth of miraculous Lower Saxon
woodlands, where all those Roman Eagles were driven back or torn into bits
and pieces just a few centuries ago. Bern was best place for the young
Theuderic to observe Rhine-Frankish residence of Cologne and a good place
for King Didrik to ride out to his good friend King Atala ('Attala',
'Atilius') who was residing some dozen miles away at the most important
settlement of Lower Saxony: Susat – Soest.
However, referring again to both questions above,
we are leaving at this point Gregory's horizon of recitation for barbaric
outland.
It has been considered that - Didrik, Rhine-Frankish King, died about 535
according to Ritter's schedule;
The MSS provide that one day the fierce 'Ermenrik',
a mighty southern ruler, expelled young King Didrik from Bern who immediately
went into King Atala's exile. At this instant, we may finally ask the observers
of Merovingian history: Would Theuderic have acted against the politics
of King Clovis or his loyal Frankish vassals if he had appointed
Sigfrid, sturdy son of a king dwelling somewhere in farthest Saxony, as
new ruler of a certain Rhine-Eiffel area, but doing so without asking those
certainly outraged Frankish chiefs? Would that 'Theuderic' thereafter run
a risk to militate against a mighty Frankish leader with Saxon aid like
Didrik, who really made an attempt against Ermenrik, his kinsman but not
father, at a place called 'Gronsport' or 'Gransport' on the Moselle's
mouth? |
|
The panoramic copperplate engraving made by
Möbius in 1820 provides a view from the east bank of the Rhine to the hills of
traditional Hunnenkopf ('Huns Head' field) on the left. The Moselle's mouth
on the right appears as a lake (= Germ: See) in high-water times. |
More literary facts are:
|
Heinz Ritter has estimated the birth of Didrik about 470,
whereas King Clovis is believed to be born a half decade before him. Since this
circumstance might appear as predominant item contradicting to Didrik's literary
sameness with Theuderic I, revising research regards the Frankish chroniclers'
genealogy of early Frankish kings Meroveus, Clodio, and even Childeric,
as insufficient: As Gregory provides with his Frankish History,
he seems to have no confirmed pedigree information especially about both
first named kings, and thus he rather uses a meagre ‘Some people say’-phrase
for them. By the way, Gregory remarks Theuderic's son Theudebert being
already sturdy at that time when King Clovis died (Frankish History III, 1).
Since there is also clear indication in Thidreks saga that Didrik's
father died young, Clovis however could have (should have!) adopted ‘Thetmar's
son’ with respect to early territory sharing that apparently had been made
for co-existing Ripuaria, the later formed territorial expression
for the 'Rhinish' Franks.
Regarding Didrik's as well as Theuderic's bloodline over a
band of three generations, all male names being recorded are strikingly beginning
with 'Th', but not with any other letters. Theuderic's line (Theuderic -
Theudebert - Theudebald) is outstandingly unique with a view to all the other
Merovingian branches wherein we typically meet kingly names formed with capital
'C'. Apart from the facts that Gregory would not mention Theuderic's date of
birth, and the early Frankish kings habitually have not ascended the throne as
son of any heathen concubine, we rather can effortlessly recognize corresponding
'Th…' name-giving in the bloodlines given by the Nordic scribes and Gregory's
Frankish history through obvious clear-cut ancestral tradition.
Theuderic's mission to the Visigoths and Burgundy to satisfy Clovis (that has been stopped finally by Theodoric the Great) is related to that very time-frame of nearly one decade wherein Didrik was expelled from Bern. So Ermenrik, Didrik's uncle and king of Roma II, the metropolis that only a short time before was known as largest colonia on the north side of the Alps, consequently had good reason to follow Theodoric's standpoint and decision (to put the Frankish Theuderic harshly in his special place at the end of 5th or beginning of the next century) as obviously mightiest executor of Ripuaria. |
The Svava relates that Ermenrik's advisor Sevekin was
contributing this important speech on Didrik: |
|
It seems implausible that the crafty Clovis was not aware of
the consequences of Theuderic's military action against the Visigoths whose dynasty
is closely related with Theodoric the Great. We thus may impute to the mightiest
Frankish leader that he was certainly right to stay away, to have calculated upon
Theuderic's failure, and to have reckoned with his potential follower being finally
deprived of his power. Incidentally, we are talking about the same time-frame of
one decade wherein Gregory has placed the removal of Sigebert of Cologne.
He has been identified with Sigfrid of Saxony, another good friend of Didrik as
well as brother-in-law of the Niflunga brothers who certainly had good reason to
serve the politics of Ermenrik, ruler of Roma II after c. 470, for the chance
to take over or administrate the Eiffel lands of Didrik. After a quarter of a
century, as both
Ritter's schedule of the Svava
and archeological discoveries at Westphalian Soest seem to provide circumstantial
evidence, the Niflungs – or Frankish invaders – felt strong enough to make war against
the Lower Saxons which the Nordic MSS call Hunas. |
On the other hand, the Lament of Deor (Book of Exeter)
wishes to substantiate this relation to the |
| Þeodric ahte þritig wintra
Mæringa burg; þæt wæs monegum cuþ. Þæs ofereode, þisses swa mæg! |
Theodric had thirty winters
Mæringa burg; that was known to many. That went by ... ! |
|
This strophe can provide a tendentious retrospective view to
King Atala's residence Susat, the Westphalian Soest, that belonged to the
Franks at the end of 6th century. |
The German romance Wolfdietrich, poetry with
different versions from 13th century to Late Middle Ages about a hero
whom literary research identifies with Theudebert and, to some extend, his father
Theuderic I ('Hug-Dietrich'), suggests at least two parallels with Thidrek or Didrik
of Bern: the dragon fight at Bergara or Brugara and Wolfdietrich's
exile and return. Widukind of Corvey, 10th century historiographer of
Saxony (Res Gestae Saxonicae), contributes another identification provided
with memorabilis fama. An oral-based tradition that
obviously connects Lord Irung of the Old Norse and Swedish MSS with Frankish
Thiadricus who makes him to remove Thuringian King Hermanfridus
(cf Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum III, 8). Incidentally, Widukind forwards
the name of Theuderic's father Huga, though he generally refers to
intelligible traditional spelling of historic persons. |
|
Since the Didriks chronicle or the Svava and its ‘derived
epic novel Thidreks saga’, as Ritter prefers this literary classification
(cf Der Schmied Weland, posthumously published by Olms,
Germany, 1999), like to put forward some coherent historical information and
relations upon large territories of today's Mid and Northern Europe, we accordingly
should assume with him that these writings would basically not prefer depiction of
any less important provincial antics against more reasonable reports on superior
events. Evaluating Ritter's schedule and the momentous context of the Nordic
MSS on such level, we might come soon to the final impasse of not enough
geographical as well as personal space for Theuderic on the one hand, and Didrik
on the other if assuming them as different historical individuals. |
|
Gregory of Tours apparently put forward either rumoured or, more
likely, intentionally unsatisfactory information about Theuderic's descent: On the one
hand, he considers him well as pre-eminent son of Clovis, but on the other, he would not
satisfyingly recite a supporting scale of examples. The more we closely follow Gregory
to Clovis and Theuderic, the latter mentioned as Hugo Theodoricus in lower German
Annales Quedlinburgenses, the more queries we get. Nonetheless, our Frankish
chronicler seems to suggest firmly that Clovis could make without Theuderic all those
Frankish conquests between the Meuse and the Atlantic coast.
Since the Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga relate that Didrik's father died early,
it seems plausible that the mightiest Frankish king kept an eye on the young designated
king of an important Austrasian kingdom between the Meuse and the Rhine. Thus, Clovis’
plot against a popular and obviously rising King Sigebert of Cologne could have been an
early protection. Following this interpretation, the removal of Sigebert would certainly
not contradict to the interest of both Theuderic I and Didrik. So far, Gregory actually
seems credible if he calls Clovis at least political foster-father of
Theuderic. |
|
However, there is believable criticism of Gregory's
general understanding of rendering history by ignoring history (notably Ian N.
Wood and Walter A. Goffart). Regarding some implausibility he conveys with his
ten books of Frankish history, he obviously intended to suppress important
biographical information not only on Theuderic I. See also
Die Frühzeit der Thüringer by Georg Scheibelreiter
(de Gruyter 2009)
who points out divergent genealogical suggestions by scribes of Late Antiquity
regarding Thuringian and Merovingian dynasties. |
|
The historiographical dilemma of 5th to
6th century naturally
encompasses the family of Clodio, the early Ripuarian dynasty in the
very dark shadow of Gregory's brightly shining early Merovingians, and Albero
of Mons (420 - 491), whom Emil Rückert, PhD, cites as Clodio's most influential
son and brother-in-law of Theodoric the Great – a fact that obviously forbids to
underrate the historical position of that 'Auberon' or any of his close kinsmen.
Rückert identifies Frankish King Clodio as father of Audefleda
by means of local Frankish records. He is not regarding Jordanes, less chronological
writer of a Gothic historia that conveys Frankish King Lodoin
(cf 'cLodio') as her father who, however, cannot be verified as
Childeric or Clovis considering spelling derivation as well as the
names of Lodoin's sons (Celdebert, Heldebert, Thiudebert) provided by the
historian of the Goths. Thus, Jordanes rather might have forwarded confusing
context of Frankish kings' offspring. |
|
Following Emil Rückert, Albero's relative Theodoric
was called out King of the East Goths at that very time when Didrik was born
according to Ritter's schedule
– a correlation that seems to substantiate Theodoric
as Didrik's godfather. And, actually, there is a trail from Clodio's son Albero to
the ownership of Samson castle through old telling on Brabant and 'Hannonia'
the author could remark in his book Die Nibelungen – Dichtung und
Wahrheit from source research by Emil Rückert. (Incidentally
addressing to Gregory, his Nordic colleague of the Membrane text
remarks in chapter 9 that the mother of Samson's son Thetmar was a concubine.)
Considering some coherent context at this instance, Samson and his descendants
might appear less Merovingian but more Ripuarian, as this will certainly
correspond with undeniable geographical point of view.
|
|
Which are the Ripuarian dynasties ? The records about local Hannonian history cited by Emil
Rückert interestingly allow to be seen that the Merovingian kings Meroveus
and, subsequently, Childeric have tolerated Clodio's descendants to administrate
obviously no other regions than partially those of today's Netherlands
and Belgium, and the large Eiffel lands between the Meuse and the Rhine:
Ripuaria which, however, expired at that very time when Merovingian King
Clovis once had time to look over the lands beyond the Meuse and to engage
the murderers of Sigebert, the last king of Ripuaria. Thereafter
this territory of unquestionable strategic importance was forwarded
as Austrasia to a son of 'any heathen concubine' (as Gregory forwards),
but not to any of King Clovis' legal sons!
Could a splendid planning Theuderic or Didrik, oath-breaker
against Sigfrid in a case of honour, take later revenge on his kinsman Ermenrik
(cf the 8th item) without using an army of his own
folk? Did one of them pretend beyond the Rhine to be still an expelled king, since
one of them could not motivate Franks to fight against Franks? The
Nordic writers report on Didrik's attack against Ermenrik at a place
called Gronsport to which he came with an army from Saxon King Atala.
Samson, Didrik's grandfather as well as identically spelled Salian location, actually seem to be the key players. The records about the early Frankish history of Brabant and Hannonia let also raise the question whether Lord Samson left Salernae rather compulsorily as an important pioneer of a kingdom that Gregory called Ripuaria.8 |
 |
 |
|
 |
The Roman fort
of Samson is an exceptional ancient building in Salian region. The text on
the left is photographic quotation from the visitor information board at
Samson village. |
Some authors raise the
objection that narration by Thidreks saga would not be related mainly to
5th century and first third of the next for
the most part, rather referring to events to be dated earlier for at least
one or two centuries. Regarding those Thetmars in Samson's line to this item,
we actually can find an earlier Frankish king who was spelled fairly
identically with those Nordic Thetmars: King Theudemer de Thérouanne
(374 - 414). Possibly semi-legendary, as some historian
would judge him, he was noted as spouse of Blésinde de Cologne.
Theudemer, titled magister militum in 383 and
consul in 384, is
expressively mentioned at both Gregory's Frankish History (II, 9) and
Fredegaire as an early Frankish king, and Clodio's predecessor by the
latter. That Theudemer was supposedly congenial with
Jovinus, a Gallic senator who, on instigation of the Burgundians, misleadingly
proclaimed himself Roman Emperor (411 to 413) before he finally was captured
and executed. Clodio's predecessor is believed to have shared the same
fate with that Jovinus. |
The Genealogy of Piat-Herrero provides the bloodline of
Theudemer, son of King Richemer de Thérouanne, who was also captured and
executed with his spouse by the Romans, to remarkable extent. That data notes
Theudemer's son and successor Clogio (Clodio) as 'Le Cheveulu' ('the Longhaired').
Since his lifetime is roughly estimated from 400 to 450, he appears as contemporary
of Samson by Ritter's schedule.
Clodio is chiefly known as conqueror of some
western lands on the Somme and of Cambrai which he later forwarded to one of his
sons (notably E. Rückert). Would Clodio's environment thus be of interest
in order to detect Samson on the subject of Piat-Herrero's and other sources'
comprehensiveness and reliability? Nonetheless, the political failure of both
Jovinus and King Theudemer might provide a good example that the Romans
would not have tolerated those vast and manifested conquests initiated
by Samson and continued by his loyal son Ermenrik in the times before the
first decades of 5th century – until that point
in time when Aëtius, the great Roman Magister militum, could destroy
Burgundy in Germania superior finally with Hunnish warriors.
|
A view to the time 'post Aëtius' nevertheless
allows to detect the Roman Eagle being bled white on the Upper and Middle
Rhine. Thus, at the beginning of the second half of
5th century, the first Franks of the later Ripuaria
could seize the opportunity to enlarge their territory over the Eiffel to the
Rhine. |
|
King Sigebert = King Sigfrid the Nibelung ? Gregory let us know that King Clovis supported his cousin
Sigebert of Cologne against the Alemannians on Zülpich location. The
Nordic scribes inform us that Rhine-Frankish King Sigfrid was brother-in-law
and neighbour of King Gunnar, ruler of the 'Niflungs', at the same place and time by
Ritter's schedule.
|
|
|
This is verbatim quotation about King Sigebert of Cologne from
History of the Franks, II, 40, as recorded in Latin by Gregory of Tours:
|
The Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga seem to
complete Gregory's report on Clovis and Sigebert. These are the most important
items considering the view of the Nordic scribes:
|
|
|
Thus, the dead Cloderic seems to be Gregory's and Clovis' subject,
since the first retells us that the latter needs him for the folk to give them
fallacious reasoning of the murderous plot – whereas the dead Sigfrid appears as
remaining subject of the assassins and the Nordic scribes who
inform us that the murderers need him to shock Grimhilde with revenge.
The Svava and Membrane writers have indirectly proved
both the identity of the assassins and the area of 'Babilonia' as
Cologne9
being related to Sigfrid and his realm on occasion of the Nibelungs' fatal march to
their sister Grimhilde: When their rearguard, commanded by King Gunnar and Hagen, was
approaching the opposite bank of the Rhine at Duna Crossing just a few miles to the
north of that fortressed town, Hagen slew the ferryman on board and apologetically
said to his protesting half-brother Gunnar:
»He shall not tell where we are going to.« |
| A short time later Hagen met a foreign guardian on the eastern banks
of the Rhine, and that man called Eckivard warned him with these words:
»I'm wondering how you've come along here, because you're Hagen, King Aldrian's son, who has killed my lord, Young-lord Sigfrid. Look out as long as you're in Hunaland 10. Many people are keeping here hostility against you.« |
| (Mb 367 replacing missing chapter in Svava MSS.) |
|
Regarding the murderous plot on Sigfrid and Sigebert, Gregory does
not explicitly narrate the same circumstances of death as the Nordic scribes,
however.
How far can we follow Gregory beyond the Rhine?11 |
Both kings Sigfrid and Sigebert were surely popular
in large regions on both sides of the Rhine. The place of Sigfrid's
hoard, his 'treasure cave', might prove Saxony as the owner's
homeland. Incidentally, J. Baptiste Gramaye, chronicler of
Antiquitates Brabantiae, Nivella p.3 n.9, notes
'Sigibertus et Moringus in vita S(anta) Wiberti'.
Nevertheless, both Sigfrid and Sigebert seem of Merovingian descent
and thus kinsmen of Clovis who proclaimed the same to the Ripuarian folk.
The Nordic writers correspondingly noted down Sigfrid's mother as daughter
of King 'Nidung' who ruled the Hesbaye (cf Sv 148-152), a former Salian
area that nowadays belongs to Belgium. As the author could remark in his book
Die Nibelungen – Dichtung und Wahrheit
by means of Emil Rückert's research into Frankish onomastics of the
Merovingians,12
the position of King 'Nidung', Old Nordic name for 'hater', seems
to be reserved for King Meroveus ('Moroveus', 'Morung', 'Morvung'),
the father of 'ORTVANGERIS', as this spelling might undoubtedly mean
a son of
The Thidreks saga and Didriks chronicle provide an
interesting geographic detail by chapter Mb 62: |
| 'A king named Nidung was ruling Jutland, that part which is called Thiodi ...',
while the Old Swedish chronicler notes well in chapter 59:
'... He (Weland resp Velent) was finally washed ashore Jutland; a king named Nidung was there ...'. |
|
Has the first Merovingian already been ruling some territory
outside of Salia, particularly Frisian coastland up to the north-western cap of
Jutland? Fredegaire tries a rejoin with an interesting metonymy. The founder of
the Merovingians, as he narrates, was a bizarre individual that came across
the sea to have a son with the spouse of Frankish King Clodio: The mythical
Minotaur thus as the very best creature for the impressing horns on a furry
alien helmet of a fierce or unfathomed Nordic
chief?13
We may (not) wonder at this point whether Fredegaire
has sensibly regarded some wilful fundamental ignorance of his pre-eminent
colleague Gregory the Patriot. If the bishop's post-scribe had insinuated
accordingly, however, we should focus further interest also on that part of
Jutland which the Nordic writers have remarked as King Nidung's territory
(s. appendix Merovingian
Origin Location).
A concerted effort to synchronize some apparently analogous or
completing pattern from Frankish chronicles, Hannonian records of local history, and
Svava plus Thidreks saga/Membrane, may result in the following chart of early
Merovingian and Frankish genealogy. Its predicate is also endorsed by Mb 9 (restored
by the A/B MSS):
'... King Samson further fathered with his concubine another son who was named
Thetmar after his (Samson’s) father-brother ...'.
Thus far, the above remembered Theudemer seems to meet the
demand on corresponding historical, chronological and genealogical environment.
|
a See genealogical
research by Emil Rückert.
Gregory of Tours has no idea
of Meroveus' date of death.
Some research provides him as Meroveus 'the Elder' (disappearing about
457 in Frankish Salia) and his son 'the Younger'. Assuming both being identical,
however, Ortvangeris should be considered as Childeric. |
| FILIATIONS
The pseudo-Fredegaire of c. 660 notes that
|
However, the 'Chronicle of Frankish Kings', known as the
Liber Historiae Francorum or the Gesta regnum Francorum of 726/727,
ascribes Clodio to son of Faramond, son of Marchomir to whom the liber's writer(s)
draw on certain Trojan narrative from the Priam and Antenor Legend. |
|
Christian Settipani, of Augustan Society Inc., eminent historian and
genealogist of Charlemagne's Ancestry (Les Ancestres de Charlemagne;
Editions Christian, Paris, 1989), orders these Frankish records in accordance with
this academic rating:
»Nowadays, it is pointless, I hope, to say anything about the legend of the
Trojan origins denounced by good scholars since 14th
century as an absurd fable and which is only a literary creation …
It is self-evident that Fredegaire had interpolated Gregory at this place, but he could
have done so with good evidence or according to the oral tradition. So, if we had
absolutely to choose between Fredegaire's and the Liber's version, we would prefer
that of Fredegaire.«
(from Christian Settipani's addenda of 1990 at http://www.rootsweb.com/~medieval/addcharlENG.pdf [2005].) |
Ermenrik and Samson |
Alfred Anscombe, British Historian, already introduced Eormenric
('Ermenrik') intriguingly by The Widsith. Anscombe detected him on
that very same location close to the later German Westphalia that Ritter actually specified
about half-a-century later. Moreover, the discussion and research initiated by Anscombe
provided Ermenrik as |
| ‘... an uncle of Theodric, king of the Francs, maternal cousin of
Aetla, son of Budla, king of Germanic Hunas by Widsith and Beda Venerabilis
...’.
(Alfred Anscombe: The historical Side of the old English Poem “Widsith”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, III. Series, Vol IX, pp 123 - 155, cf p. 138.) The Times, literary supplement of May 20, 1920, thereupon published an expert's letter to the editor with these conclusive words, ‘Its consequences are poisonous to research.’ This kinship between the Frankish Theoderic and Atala, leader of the Germanic Hunas, projects his mother as a daughter of Didrik's grandfather or, the other way round, Didrik's mother as a sister of Atala's father. While any consanguinity between Didrik and Atala is not provided by the writers of the Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga, it seems to substantiate good relationship and common interests of both kings. |
Ritter has expressively considered the libri Teutonici
of certain connotation. An author referring to this edition is Flodoard (894 - 966),
historiographer and archivist at the cathedral of Reims for the most time of his life.
He is known as creditable writer, especially by means of his ecclesiastical chronicle
of Reims. Flodoard left a passage taken from a letter
that archbishop Fulco wrote under political strain between Charles the
'Simple-minded' (called out by unction from Fulco for making him counter-king
against King Odo) and Arnulf, king of the eastern Franks, to the latter in 893.
In it, Fluco forwards some warning arguments to Arnulf, and he also refers to
this example as reminding him about the history of his dynasty:
'... subicit etiam ex libris Teutonicis de rege quodam Hermenrico nominee, qui
omnem progenium suam morti destinaverit impiis consiliis cuiusdam consilarii sui ...'
'... he (Fulco) subjects to further item from the Teutonic books a certain king named Hermenric, who destined all his progeny to die by impious counsel from one of his counsellors ...' |
Whom is Fluco remembering? Apart from the real Ermanaric I,
is he that Odoacer who retrospectively has been taken for 'Ermanaric II' since he was killed
by Theodoric the Great? Or does Fluco just mean that mighty chief of 'Roma secunda'
who killed his offspring on recommendation of his impious advisor, and who actually was
former king of that very territory that now belonged to Arnulf? If the archbishop
bears in mind the latter, he might have given enough personal attributes.
|
Regarding Ermenrik's ancestry, the above given synchronizing
chart complies with recorded narration that Albero of Mons, persistently claiming
some Salian land as dominant son of Clodio by Rückert's research, was
successively the right legal heir of Samson('s) castle, as this detail might be
unquestionably based on his great-uncle's emigration by means of the Svava and
Thidreks saga. Another more or less significant buttress might be ancestral
name forwarding by an interesting nexus between Theudemer's father RICHEMER
(related with French spelling) and Samson's son Ermenrik (related
with Nordic spelling) through simple half-word interchange: EMER-RICH (ch = k).
Samson met 'Thetmar', the brother of this father, accidentally after the
first had slain the noble brothers Brunstein and Rodger. That certainly
kingly Thetmar, bearing a golden lion on his red shield (Mb 5 of A/B MSS), came
to aid his explicit nephew whose murderous coup had become
known (Sv 4, Mb 5 of A/B MSS). Thus, Samson unquestionably might have
had good reason to remember him factually with name forwarding to one of
his later born sons. |
Samson's father is not that King Arthur whom the
Samson saga fagra
loves to expose to some light of Lancelot romance. Furthermore, regarding
Ritter's schedule,
we cannot reconsider here the Thidreks saga MSS mentioning a
king spelled 'Arkimannus', the shortly called King Arthur of Mid-Saxony,
whose surviving but expelled two sons received new duchies or counties from
King Atala.
(The Samson saga fagra was recently published in 1953
by John Wilson who refers to the edition Samfund til udgivelse
af Gammel Nordisk Litteratur, vol LXV, Copenhagen, 1880.
A brief summary of this saga was left in English by Henry Goddard Leach by his
publication Angevin Britain and Scandinavia, p. 232.)
|
The Waltharius, a remarkable early poetry of
10th century written by an author who has been
identified with Ekkehart of St Gallen Monastery, might have taken pattern
from a pre-edition of Thidreks saga or Didriks chronicle. Although Ekkehart or
the real author of this lay apparently has transfigured the Nibelungs'
Eiffel residence 'Vermintza' to 'Wormatia' on the Rhine, and King 'Atala'
of Saxon Hunaland to Attila the great Hun, he nevertheless calls the
Nibelungs King Gunter and Hagen heroes of the Franks (not of
Burgundia as the literary Burgundy). The author of this
poetry also ascribes Hagen's father to a King called Aldrian. The lay is
widely known as the poem of Walter and Hildigund.
('Hiltgunt', daughter of Russian Duke of Gercekia,
Livonia. She was given to Atala as personal deposit.)
Hagen, trying to stop the fleeing two lovers, loses one eye in the fight
against Walter who later falls as Duke of Waskenstein ('Vaskastein') at
Gronsport, bearing there the banner of King Ermenrik.
Ekkehart certainly implanted thrilling elements in his much embellished
adaptation that some reviewer would judge between 'subtle' and 'oversubtle'.
However, the archaic version might reflect the Didriks chronicle by
Sv 222-225.
Ekkehart's original Latin text, preserved at bibliotheca Augustana,
is available at
http://www.fh-augsburg.de/~harsch/Chronologia/Lspost10/Waltharius/wal_txt0.html .
|
| Weland
He is mentioned in the heroic poem Waldere
and in the appendix of the German Heldenbuch. An earlier remark of Weland
provides The Lament of Deor, an elegy of 8th
century. The Beowulf connects best armour with Weland's work.
The Weland part of Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga, which both Ritter and the author have placed into the decades from 440 to 470 (see Ritter's schedule), provides that King Nidung was ruling not only a Salian territory Hesbaye ('Hesbania'), but also his realm on Jutlandish location. The MSS refer to his daughter called 'Heren' (Icelandic redaction A, intertextually to be identified with 'Beaduhild') and three of his sons living there. Weland, being cited in Geoffrey Monmouth's Vita Merlini as 'Pocula que sculpsit Guielandus in urbe Sigeni', fled across Weser river and the North Sea to Jutland with a specially prepared trunk serving him well as a watercraft. In order to save his life, he had slain his outstandingly skilled masters for his father's unwillingly broken oath at 'Ballova' Smithy, a rather small location being 30 miles far from Siegen town ('in urbe Sigeni'). Since Monmouth never mentions Ballova in his literary work, but the Didriks chronicle and the Thidreks saga never Siegen, Weland thus might be appointed to a real historical individual? The Waltharius remarks him shortly with these words at lines 965 & 966:
Et nisi duratis Wielandia fabrica giris
Weland, grandson of King Vilkinus, was recorded as superb working smith and artist of his time, certainly appearing as an early predecessor of Leonardo da Vinci. However, Weland became victim of intrigues from some man of King Nidung, and so he secretly took murderous revenge on his two youngest but innocent sons for laming him by order of that probably unsuspecting big ruler. Weland finally left him with an invented aircraft that, incidentally, might have corresponded well with a simple modern windsurfing glider, as Ritter has explanatorily interjected (Der Schmied Weland, including a nautical expert's opinion of Weland's passage.). We naturally would remember at this point Daedalus of Greek mythology, the extraordinary inventor and master craftsman who devised the Cretan Labyrinth for the fierce Minotaur: King Mino, to whom Daedalus fled after he had committed murder, would not allow him to leave the Minotaur's special dwelling from which he could escape by artificial wings nevertheless. We thus may wonder if there were any better literary innuendo for the Nordic writers to confirm and analogize Fredegaire's Minotaur with King Nidung! |
 |
The
whalebone made Franks Casket, Anglo-Saxon, first half
of 8th century: Regarding the divided scenes on its front panel (smaller picture), '
... the left is derived from the Germanic legend of Weland the Smith ...'
as The British Museum points out briefly. Surprisingly,
the front panel's right half shows historical adoration
of the Magi. Carved scenes of quite similar style from the Thidreks saga and
related Nordic narratives were also adorning the former church of Hyl(l)estad,
Norway. The photo on the left, imaging the scene in the left half of the front
panel, documents also Weland getting and feeding geese, as this action will clearly mark the
most important first step for the |
Creation
of the Mimung (Sv 64, Mb 67).i The larger scene given by this smaller
photo refers to Weland working at his smithy. He is depicted at that time when he had slain
the two youngest sons of King Nidung, seemingly illustrated with one small human body laying
on the ground behind Weland (Sv 73, Mb 74). This scene might correspond well with
the appearance of King Nidung's daughter and a supernatural maiden serving Weland with a
bottle of liquid to make her obedient. Thus, the artist seems to consider mythological
tradition. The first panoramic image of the casket's lid '... shows another Germanic
story about a hero named Ægili who is shown defending his home from armed raiders.'
(Comment by The British Museum). Ritter regards this scene
'The Return of Odysseus', however. |
|
|
Ritter provides
on Weland another discovery being evaluated of 6 - 7th century (!) and thus of
elder creation than the Franks Casket: The Gold Solidus of Frisian Schweindorf
with its obverse estimated as facsimile of a typical Late Antiquity solidus.
The reverse, however, shows the likeness of a person with runic symbols
by enlarged Anglo-Saxon set of characters. |
Jantina H.
Looijenga, rune expert and author of the thesis 'Runes around
the North Sea and on the Continent AD 150 - 700',
classifies this solidus in her dissertation, available online at the
Library of Groningen University, Netherlands, by this description: |
Weland of old tradition. Painting by E. Nowack. |
|
|
We thus would adhere to consideration that coincident Lower Saxon minting referring to mythological persons might be unprecedented. The Ardre VIII image stone of Gotland (8th century) and the Cross-shafts of Leeds (c. 11th century) provide other pictorial traditions of Weland the Smith. |
| Other connections
A maternal line in the synchronizing chart related to the early
Merovingians can reveal that an important political relationship between the emerging
Franks and the Saxons, whose common Germanic ancestors were severely subjugated
by the Romans, was hereditarily sealed in the Hesbaye amid 5th
century between King Nidung and King Sigmund, cf Sv 148 and
Ritter's schedule:
King Sigmund married King Nidung's daughter 'Sissibe'. After an obvious epic
insertion dealing with the birth and vanishing of their son Sigfrid ('Sigurd'), appearing as
an adaptation of the Frankish Genoveva legend enriched with motives of the birth of Moses
and the saga of Romulus and Remus, the third writer of the oldest available manuscript
relates the hero's youth at Mime the Smith. In this period Sigfrid fell in (hot) love with Queen
Brynhilde 'the Virgin' on location quoted as 'Svava': the Harz, certainly most attracting Saxon
region.14
On recommendation of Brynhilde, Sigfrid moved to King Isung and his gorgeous
sons the Nordic scribes know as strongest
fighters – actually a mighty ruler family of most important political and
economical territory of East Saxony: King Isung's land between the Harz
and the mouth of Elbe river, the latter nowadays pertaining to Hamburg,
was both bordering on the territories of martial Baltic tribes and
guaranteeing enormous toll and tax profits for Scandinavian trade routes.
Didrik's 'Grand Banquet Mission', a trip to big fighting event at King Isung (Sv 177-209, Mb 190-226), might rather appear as tricky political campaign for making Sigfrid submissive to think about his father's connection with the family of a Salian ruler: It certainly was already some good land around the Eiffel the eager Niflungs were administering – did Didrik need an extraordinary trustee for holding them in check? |
|
Sigfrid's name, however, can surely express his special thick
skin that even Theophanis the Confessor knew as characteristic hereditary mark
going with the Merovingians: an obvious ichthyosis hystrix, striking form of
skin disease. Abbot Theophanis, most important Byzantine co-author of a world
chronicle from 284 to 813, allows to conclude 'bristles of swine growing on Merovingian
spine'. Referring to the translation of C. Mango and R. Scott, Edward G. Fichtner
quotes Theophanis' entry for the year 723-724 with these words:
The descendants of that line (the Merovingian line) were called Kristatai, which means 'hairy backs' [trichorachatai]: for, like pigs, they had bristles sprouting from their back. [Edward G. Fichtner: Sigfrid's Merovingian Origins; 2004, p.
335.]
Jan de Vries, eminent editor of Old Nordic etymologic
dictionary Altnordisches etymologisches Wörterbuch; Leiden, 1962,
tries to enlighten us on Sigfrid's name and nature:
|
Thus, German affix -fried or -frid seems to
accomplish best nicknaming, since it is old suffix for strong male nature or property,
cf 'Burgfried' for biggest tower of a castle or fortress.
|
| Résumé
The Thidreks saga appears as being based on a chronicle
or historia rendering an eulogy of most important Austrasian King Theuderic.
However, even Didrik's biography provided with the Old Swedish
Didriks-krönikan has to be regarded fragmentary and unfinished:
Just at the time when he was celebrated King of Rome II, Sv 356
(cf Membrane Mb 414), his curriculum vitae is drawing
to an end. The remaining last parts of this chronicle relate Aldrian's
Revenge of the Niflungs – that ends on the last sheet of the oldest
available MS – and three epic implantations: The first deals with 'Bergara'
(Sv: 'Brugare') that the author identifies with Bergen, place of translation
by the Norse writers who traditionally were editing epic stuff and thus
leaving their narrative imprint in this way. The second is Heimir's
episode at Wadhincusan monastery which Roswitha Wisniewski recognizes as
the literary signature of the Lower German chronicler Ludewicus, a
provable scriptor and copyist of a precious bible at Wedinghausen monastery in
13th century.
The third might be revenge-based depiction of Didrik's epic death.
|
When Theuderic was crowned King of Austrasia (at that time
his son Theudebert noted already of age!) Gregory however picks up his thread. Now
our Frankish chronicler notably mentions him aiding Thuringian King Hermanfrid
(southern neighbour of the great realm being ascribed to King Atala) against Baderic
(a), supporting Frankish King Chlodomer against Burgundian rulers Sigi(s)mund and
Godomar (b), and, thirdly, taking a large part of Thuringia before the removal of
Hermanfrid at the walls of 'Tulbiacum', obvious Latin name of Zülpich (c).
Since these events have been scholarly ascribed to dates about 515 (a), 524 (b), and
528...531 (c), they seem to maintain a contradiction to second half of Didrik's
exile, because the time of the Niflungs downfall at Soest (c. 527/530) appears
immovable for archaeological items.
|
Therefore, we obviously have to concentrate upon one decade and
a half for further research into the ethical side of Didrik's humiliation that might have been
lasting as long as he could not take revenge on Ermenrik. He died at the time of the Niflungs
downfall, thus making the end of those 25 to 30 years of Didrik's mental exile. Although he
could not cross the territory of the mighty Ermenrik or move back to the Eiffel lands within
that time, as suffering Gronsport defeat, he nevertheless could have been able to support
Hermanfrid against his brother Baderic in Thuringia or aid the legal sons of the late King
Clovis against the Burgundians. An interpretation bearing also the implication that Gregory
had suppressed contemporary history of Roma II – as he actually did for his very
fragmentary biography of Theuderic as well as Ripuaria's history. As to the other item in
this connection, Gregory's readers tend to believe that Theuderic was crowned in no time
after Clovis' death, and thereafter residing on locations called Mettae and Remi
– though Gregory does not say a word about the date and place of Theuderic's coronation.
According to archaeological research, however, Roma II was definitely larger and
more precious Austrasian colonia by far when Theuderic ascended the throne. A
context that contradicts to basic political principles of Late Antiquity and Migration
Era. More to the point, we cannot substantiate neither Metz nor Rheims as Theuderic's
long time residence by means of Gregory's texts that provide these
locations in connection with only some temporary import.
Listening to the Didriks chronicle, Thidreks saga, and Gregory for the
third date (c), however, Didrik was back in the Eiffel at that very time when Theuderic
'indeed had returned to his property and sent for Hermanfrid ...,
(Idem vero regressus ad propria, Hermenefredum ad se data fidem securum praecipit venire, quem et honorificis ditavit muneribus. Factum est autem, dum quadam die per murum civitatis Tulbiacensis confabularentur, a nescio quo inpulsus, de altitudine muri ad terram corruit ibique spiritum exalavit. Sed qui eum exinde deiecerit, ignoramus; multi tamen adserunt, Theudorici in hoc dolum manifestissime patuisse.) and ... one day, as they were standing on the walls of Tulbiacum (Zülpich) and talking ...' (Historia Francorum III, 8) – a fatally shrinking space for home location of two different Frankish individuals at this instance. (A fragment of a Roman wall not contradicting to Gregory’s text has been archeologically proved at Zülpich by Ursula Heimberg [Publisher: Landesmuseum Bonn, Sonderheft Rheinische Ausgrabungen '78 (Köln/Bonn 1979) p. 90]. Interestingly, a fragment of Saxon chronicle De origine Sueborum relates that Hermanfrid fled in 531 to a king called 'Attila' after a lost battle against the Franks. |
Moreover, we again must state an incredibly shrinking area for two
different Theoderics when turning once more to
Ritter’s schedule of Thidreks saga
and Didriks chronicle.
This is encyclopaedic quotation referring to Saint Nicetius and Trier’s third decade of 6th century:
|
|
It was while abbot that King Theodoric I (511 - 534) learned to know and esteem him,
Nicetius often remonstrating with him on account of his wrong-doing without, however,
any loss of favour.
After the death of Aprunculus of Trier, an embassy of the clergy and citizens of Trier
came to the royal court to elect a new bishop. They desired Gallus, but the King refused
his consent. They then selected Abbot Nicetius set out as the new bishop for Trier,
accompanied by an escort sent by the king, and while on the journey had opportunity
to make known his firmness in the administration of his office. Trier had suffered terribly
uring the disorders of the Migrations.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Nicetius (March 2009) |
At that time, considering a difference of less than about 3 to 5
years, King Didrik (had) liberated Roma II (Trier on the Moselle) from its insidious
ruler Sevekin, successor of despotic King Ermenrik. Incidentally, the Old Norse and
Swedish MSS annotate King Didrik's conversion into Christianity in accordance with
that corresponding moment (see Ritter's schedule) when Nicetius talked seriously
with Theuderic I. |
With a view to an apparently complying spouse of both Frankish
kings the author remarks at
http://www.badenhausen.net/harz/svava/ZwoelfumDietrichvonBern.htm : |
| Zu Dietrichs Vermählungen dankt der Verfasser dem Lektorat für
einen nachträglichen Korrekturhinweis zu Bild 7 auf S. 179 in „Sage und
Wirklichkeit“: Nach Mb 240 heiratet der junge Dietrich zuerst eine Tochter 'Gudilind'
(„Godelinda“) des verstorbenen Königs 'Drusian', siehe
'Osning'-Berichte der Thidrekssaga. Mit dieser 'Gothelinde' liegt eine
pointierte Anspielung auf die Gemahlin 'Suavegotta'
– 'Suavegotha' von Theuderich I. vor, deren Name und definitive eheliche
Beziehung mit dem ersten Austrasierkönig bei Flodoard von Reims auftaucht.
Die fränkische Historiografie will sie als eine Tochter von Sigismund
von Burgund sehen, doch eine geografische Interpretation des Eigennamens
von Theuderichs erster und nach Gregor von Tours' Chronologie offenbar
zu spät geehelichter Gemahlin legt ihre familiären Wurzeln außerhalb
von Burgund nahe; siehe zum Zeitstellungsproblem auch unter
|
While Didriks chronicle and Thidreks saga report on King Didrik's
activities in Baltic regions between Western Pomerania and Byelorussia, Procopius of
Caesarea makes an interesting note on the marriage of Theudechilde, daughter of
Theuderic I, with Hermegis ('Hermegislus'), king of the Varnii, about 530. The
Varnii (Germ 'Warnen') have been connected with Mecklenburg locations
Warnemünde and Warnow, likewise Warnow river, in Migration Period. As
Procopius continues his short report on the strategic interest of Austrasian Franks
in Gothic Wars IV (20), Hermegis' son Radigis cancelled intended marriage with
a princess of 'Brittia' in order to enter in matrimony with Theuderic’s daughter (his
stepmother) after the death of his father. Procopius completes that the 'Brittian'
princess thereupon confronted Radigis martially with her fleet and made him to keep his
promise. Regarding a political motif and Ritter's geography of Didriks chronicle and
Thidreks saga, however, Bertanga on the Elbe as the land of the princess would
appear more plausible than Britannia (Great Britain). Especially, if the Nordic
and Old Swedish scribes had taken Hermegis for King Hertnid/Herding II who defeated
King Isung of Bertanga at the beginning of 6th century (see
Ritter's schedule). |
Hans-Jürgen Hube, expert in Nordic literature
(Humboldt Universität Berlin, Nordeuropa-Institut, em.), estimates the MSS
rather being based on a chronicle written in 12th - 13th
century,15
and he reasonably detects some basic conviction provided by Susanne Kramarz-Bein,
of the bunch around Heinrich Beck and other questionable scholars, as spitzfindig.
|
Heinz Ritter has shown that the fundamental literary
problem of Thidreks SAGA is carried by its title only, and he rightly stated
that we cannot ascribe a text provable as a chronicle or historia
to a saga in case of a remarkable lacuna in history. As already been noted, we
only have very fragmentary records of Saxon history between
5th and
6th century which, however, are generally
ineffectual without further historical material. When asking again what we do
know about Ripuaria's history and those Germanic tribes dwelling between the
Rhine and the Baltic Sea at that very time, we nonetheless should also remember
that Louis the Pious cleaned out his father's great library from 'heathen texts'. |
The Old Swedish scribe of the Dietrich von Bern
chronicle apparently made
a clear distinction between those 'fornaldarsögur', sagas written before
Iceland's ethnological starting point (9th century),
those 'riddarasögur', chivalrous tales written thereafter by Nordic
'fabulatores' for amusement at medieval courts, and those medieval texts
commonly known as historia or chronicle. Roswitha Wisniewski, whose postdoctoral
work about the Niflungs downfall by Thidreks saga has been either attacked
unconvincingly or suppressed enormously by her colleagues, provides persuasive
evidence that Thidreks saga is based on a tradition that unquestionably belongs
to characteristic style of the latter category. |
Regarding circumspectly Old Norse bibliography,
Thidreks 'saga' rather has to be re-evaluated as
an |
Even so we may ask: If Gregory or Fredegaire, both
of them rather moralistic than conscientious raconteurs, had a solid idea
of a large extant record relating the contents of Thidreks saga and Didriks
chronicle: Which accounts could they omit at first for saving renditions
of other sources?
|
| Endnotes |
1 See Appendix
A2:
Evaluation of Thidreks saga Manuscripts.
The contents of fragmentary Old Swedish K45,4° manuscript is closely
affiliated to Skokloster manuskript.  |
2 As H. Ritter died in 1994,
he had proved the real topographical and geographical accuracy (up to nearly 99% of all
key-words) of the Thidreks saga MSS that subsequently seemed to have changed from a
legend to a historia or chronicle. Thereupon, finally aged 92, he recommended to draw
conclusions from the entire context of these
manuscripts. |
3 The given small cutting from Kurt Stade's
comprehensive Roman map of Germanic territory was published in various
editions of educational German history maps. (Today's current names of
former Roman locations are printed in blue, Roman routes in
red.) |
4 The historical localization of
Didrik's Bern by means of some first introduced probatory pictorial material
is subject to verification in largest appendix chapter of the author's
publication
Die Nibelungen – Dichtung und Wahrheit, published by
Monsenstein und Vannerdat, Germany, 2005. Apart from own research based
on the finds of Varne, the author mainly refers to publications by Wilfried
M. Koch, archaeological director of German state office LVR (Landschaftsverband
Rheinland). |
| 5 Today: Trier on the Moselle.
|
6 cf Old Nordic 'samr' = black.
There is certain circumstance that this Samson obviously is not Childeric: Since a
real Samson was son of Chilperic I, King of Soissons, and Fredegund, we rather
would have to consider traditional name-giving of contemporary Frankish
dynasties which certainly tended to remember the names of merited leaders.
Besides, the Blómstrvalla saga remembers some chapter of
Thidreks saga when forwarding narration related to the heroes from the
bloodline of Samson's first son Duke Ake. The Samson saga fagra,
especially its first part, is based on chivalrous French poetry on Samson
by Lancelot pattern, while the Karlamagnús saga as well as
Vilhjalms
saga mention 'Samson' rather shortly. Although Henry Goddard Leach
regards the
Samson saga fagra originated in 13th century, its compilation
seems to meet rather 14th century sagas, as Rudolf Simek estimates. Nonetheless,
this saga should not be left out for any investigating glance at Samson's
genealogy. The saga's last chapter might give a retrospective example peculiarly
dominated by events in currently spelled Lower German and Westphalian lands
'Vestfal' that Samson had conquered: Valltari, recited as a son
of Samson, received from his father a Westphalian realm, married Gertrud,
daughter of a Duke of Brunswick 'Brunsuik', and finally became Duke of
Holstein 'Hollzsetu landi'. |
Actually,
there is a Salian resp 'Salernian' location called Samson: This Wallonian
village can be found approximately 6 miles to the east from the city of Namur,
Belgium. Its ruined Roman fort, partially restored to a castle with a surviving
impressing limestone wall on the rocks 'Les rochers de plus de 80 mètres
avec une formidable muraille de calcaire', is surrounded by Germanic
war graves of 2nd half of 4th century. Sauvenière is today's
name of a location that also pertains to its district. Considering obligatory
historical relevance of contemporary Sauvenière, a former Roman
estate of 2nd century has been proved on its Plateau d'Arlansart
at the highest spring of Orneau river. This place is mentioned as »Salvenerias
villa« in a copied deed certification of Emperor Otto the Great,
issued on September 20, 946. |
 |
Ernst F. Jung,
German historian of Roman Era and Late Antiquity, could additionally remark a
Samson sword type that names weapon foundlings of definitely Childeric's
time in that region of Namur where Sambre river meets the Meuse. As to this
sword, Jung refers in his book Der Nibelungen Zug durchs Bergische Land
(published by Haider-Verlag company, Bergisch Gladbach, 1987) to the expert
Wilfried Menghin, Prof PhD, who notes in his book
Kelten, Römer und Germanen (published by Prestel-Verlag Company,
Munich, 1980) the corresponding catalogue no 16/17 of time group A, 'the same
to which the Nordic Snartemo sword has been
classified'. |
7 The scribe of Mb 246 locates
Walslanga at certain 'western border' of Franka riki, cf German
Thidreks saga translation by F. H. von der Hagen. Ritter identified Walslanga
('Valsløngva') as German Westerwald, a woodland which, as the MS
provides, partially belonged to the realm of that Salmon. A western or
north-western border of his land actually seems plausible
if the Franks had already taken regions on the lower Lahn and Main
river. |
From first
quarter to first half of 6th century, the Franks drove out Alemannians and
Thuringians from a Mid-German region extending from the lower Main
('Frank-furt') to the upper Weser. So far, the medieval writer certainly
means an area known today as '(Unter-)Franken' with regional inhabitants
still called 'Mainfranken'. The author of Mb 250 remarks that King Salmon
attended a colloquium of apparently Ripuarian Franks at King Ermenrik’s Roma
[secunda]. Ritter has placed this event at the end of 5th century.
Thus 'Salmon', a nickname for a mighty Frankish chief seemingly given by a
sophisticated clerical author, might appear synonymous with the first (or an early)
Ripuarian conqueror and new ruler of lower and mid Main regions. The ford
('furt') of Main river on an obvious outstanding former location related to the
Franks – today the metropolis of a large area –, from the MS to be roughly
determined in eastern position of the former Walslanga centre, was an
important strategic passage presumably after the withdrawal of the Romans
and certainly after Migration Period. See Fig. 8 (= Bild 8) for a general
geographical overview the author provides by his contribution
Wadhincúsan, monasterium Ludewici
(German). |
8 Ritter remembered King Clovis as
he was reconsidering the mightiness of Ermenrik, but he would not ascribe Samson
and his descendants to the Merovingians, regarding also his conclusion
that Lord Samson rather had to give up
'Salernae'. |
9 This Babilonia, that Roman
history about Germania inferior reveals in figurative sense as the Babylon
of luxury and vice, is provable as Cologne even through
geographical context: For example, Duna Crossing pertains to Jarl Elsung
the Younger who is mentioned as Lord of Babilonia. Following
Clovis' control of power, he certainly would not nominate the Niflungs
for King Sigebert's or Sigfrid's successor if they had been already rewarded
with the administration of Didrik's realm after his expulsion from Bern. |
If Zülpich
that Gregory obviously calls Tulbiacum, s. Historiarum Francorum, liber III,
had been remarkably destroyed in Alemannian-Frankish
war, the Niflungs could have been forced to take a new place of residence
nearby! 'Vernica' or 'Verminza', as the original texts mention, is only
a few miles far from Zülpich = Tulbiacum which has been equated with
Tolbiacum.
The manuscripts note brightest full moon night when the Niflungs met
the Rhine at Duna Crossing: Since important campaigns were usually planned
to start at full moon in Late Antiquity as well as medieval times, the
Niflungs with polished armour under their garments could have covered
only c. 30 miles from their capital
place. |
10 Hunaland or Humaland, Hymaland,
derived from Old German/Germanic Hüne (= large human), are
contemporary names (likewise spelled in the Elder Edda) for the large Saxon
territory between lower Rhine and lower Elbe. |
Young-lord (germ 'Jungherr',
'Junker') was Sigfrid's previous noble title corresponding with a squire,
as he was rightly known on Saxon location for his service at King Isung. |
11 How far can we follow Gregory's and
his copyists on principle? We have to refer exclusively to medieval transscriptions of
Gregory's Frankish History. These records, mostly written in awful Latin
misspelling, for instance do report on 'real blood flowing out from broken
breads and hosts' (V, 33; VI, 21), or 'real blood coming down as rain from
a cloud in the region of Paris' (VI,
14)! |
12 Emil Rückert:
Oberon
von Mons und die Pipine von Nivella; Weidmann'sche Buchhandlung, Leipzig,
Germany, 1836. |
13 Fertur, super litore maris
aestatis tempore Chlodeo cum uxore resedens, meridiae
uxor ad mare labandum vadens, bistea Neptuni Quinotauri similis eam adpetisset.
Cumque in continuo aut a bistea aut a viro fuisset concepta, peperit
filium nomen Meroveum, per quo reges Francorum post vocantur Merohingii.
Incidentally, the Thidreks
saga seems to have a complementary literary pattern in its Weland part. This episode
alleges Weland's father Vade as son of a 'mermaid' or 'sea-goddess' that
the nautically crossing King Vilkinus (s. appendix A4) made pregnant at
a compulsory stopover somewhere in a coast forest of the Baltic Sea (Mb
23). The Svava, however, will contribute less mystified narration, since
its text might allow easier conclusion that Vade's mother was an attractive
'sailor woman', who, after the intercourse, could follow and stop King
Vilcinus with her possibly better fitted or trimmed vessel
(Sv 18). |
14 The original texts as well as geological
and topographical studies indicate contemporary large |
 |
Regarding Sigfrid's literary genealogy, a noteworthy
remark might come from the author of the Volsunga saga who calls a daughter
of Sigurd and Brynhilde Aslaug, and he mentions Svanhilde
and Sigmund II as children of Sigurd and Gudrun. |
15 '... so, wie die Einzelsagen nunmehr
erscheinen, fügen sie sich doch eher zu einer Chronik aus dem 12. und 13. Jahrhundert
zusammen.'
Hans-Jürgen Hube: Thidreks Saga; Marix Verlag, Wiesbaden 2009, p. 406.
After the translations by F. H. von der Hagen (1814), A. Raszmann (1852) and F. Erichsen (1924),
Hube provides the fourth German publication of the saga's contents ('Nacherzählung') with
geographical annotations complying with Ritter's
research. |
|
Appendix
A1 Related Links A1.1 Who is King Atala?
A2 The Evaluation of Thidreks saga Manuscripts (Extract from A6) Ritter's method of dealing with Thidreks
saga is principally based on his answer to the cardinal question whether a
tradition assumed being remarkably pregnant with historical facts may be
dissected in twilight mixture of mythological narratives. As Ritter has expressively
underlined at his lectures, rather less significant as well as detectable
non-contemporary adapting implementation by an evident group of Norse
editors might have induced scholarly evaluation especially of the
Membrane texts to consider Thidreks saga for the most part as less
authentic or fabulous pool of mostly unrelated single tales. Following Ritter's
index of circumstantial evidences, however, we have to consider factual piece
that the Old Swedish scribe of the Didriks chronicle would not title his
work SAGA, eg in view of remarkably depicted Baltic politics. Beside
other indication, Ritter regards this version principally
guiding Thidreks saga, and he considers all these texts
of such recognizable literary selectivity that subsequently will allow
efforts to estimate them as historiographical sources.
Theodore M. Andersson, reviewer of a
symposium-based supplement edited by Susanne Kramarz-Bein for Walter de
Gruyter's encyclopaedia of Germanic antiquity, comments the current
contradicting scholarly cataloguing of Thidreks saga.
Andersson, incidentally seeing a clear literary difference between 'Norse' and 'of Norway', was obviously remembering Ritter's publications by this introductory remark of 1996: »... Þiðreks saga, which had not received much scholarly attention for several decades, came back into fashion about ten years ago ...« This English review, available at http://userpage.fu-berlin.de/~alvismal/7susanne.pdf
[2005], follows Heinrich Beck's position by means of his paper
Þiðreks saga als Gegenwartsdichtung? who, stringently
against Ritter's postulation and reasoning, notoriously exposes Thidreks saga
to the light of poetry somehow inspired by history. |
| Andersson recites: »... Heinrich Beck's "Þiðreks saga als Gegenwartsdichtung?" ... points out that Þiðreks saga ... synchronizes events from legendary prehistory with near-contemporary events in the twelfth century (campaigns against the Slavs on the eastern frontier of Germany). Time in Þiðreks saga is thus a variable quantity ...« |
Moreover, Heinrich Beck classifies the message of
Þiðreks Saga expressively more subtle than its naïve reader would
imagine. Addressing to Ritter, he will underpin Germanism's fundamental attitude
towards the general understanding of SAGA with this manifesto:
|
| »Germanistic saga research has recognized long since (...) that saga tradition is not an ancient forwarding but derives from topic adoption.« (Translated quotation from Zur Thidrekssaga-Diskussion; Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 112, 1993; pp 441 - 448.) |
|
The Germanistic and other scholastic strategies
against the research of Ritter obviously ignore the fact that the Old Norse scribes
evidently processed to translate, title and catalogue historiographies as 'saga'. Thus, the
author's publication Sage und Wirklichkeit. Dietrich von Bern und die Nibelungen
(2007) repudiates subtle exploration of Thidreks saga by Heinrich Beck and
other experts in literature agreeing with his basic questionable position.
Ritter's translation of the Old Swedish Didriks chronicle was not called in question on literary subject. For elaborating research he therein left his comparing analysis of both chronological and historiographical structures of the Svava and Thidreks saga manuscripts. In the addenda provided with his translation (pp 399 - 455) he exemplarily scrutinises and finally refutes the Svava's dependency from the Membrane and Icelandic manuscripts against scholastic evaluation of Scandinavian researchers. Ritter also implemented into his posthumous publication Der Schmied Weland a supplementary analysis that points out the different literary style of these texts anything but less insignificant through exemplary synoptic studies providing Thidreks saga's special predilection for certain subjective notional forwarding and, as a result, also for mythologizing, cf Quotations from 'Der Schmied Weland' (German). |
Seasoned practitioners have not rejected Ritter's
methodical deciphering of 'the geographical and ethnic names in the Didriks Saga',
a work of noteworthy terminological consistency considering rational contemporary
circumstances of time and location. In 1959 William J. Pfaff had already
introduced an equally titled book with 'a study in Germanic heroic Legend',
who, however, failed in the actual terminology of such important places
originally spelled 'Bern' or 'Drekanfils'. Ritter rather found out that
the right geographical operation area related to the Didriks chronicle
does extend diagonally from South-Sweden and Jutland to German Moselle
river and, west-to-east, from Belgium to Baltic countries.
Thus, the revising research would hardly believe that the Nordic editors
had done more than a mere translation of an imported tradition,
mainly a Lower German Historia Dietrich von Bern; especially considering
the item that the translators evidently never attempted to change any location name
there. |
To boot, it seems implausible that the Norse
scribes of King Hákon IV would have had any good reason to implant any own
narration or compilation on such unfamiliar small locations as Vernica,
Thorta or Brictan, such strange rivulets as Duna, Wisara
or Eydissa, such elsewhere never mentioned but nonetheless real mountain
forests as the Osning or Valslanga.
|
 |
The Upper German stem on the left represents
poetry detracting Burgundian fall to the homeland of a fictive Hungarian king called Etzel.
Roswitha Wisniewski notes well that her so-called 'Zweite Quelle' has to be regarded as
principal source of Thidreks saga, while she regards the 'Ältere Not' only rendering
epic influences of Duna crossing, recovery at Margrave Rodinger's ('Rüdiger')
Bakalar ('Bechelaren'), and the arrival of the Niflungs at Susat (Soest), the
residence of King Atala ('Attila'). Nonetheless, we also have to consider the 'Ältere
Not' providing the Nibelungen character Giselher (notably Leon Polak and Roswitha
Wisniewski). He seems to be connected with special kind of synonymy derived from
dynastic names in the 'Lex Burgundionum' in order to boost the Norse Gunnar with an
accompanying actor originally spelled Gislahar(ius). |
Thus, further progressive research will also
concentrate upon Roswitha Wisniewski's postdoctoral thesis by which she
provides extrapolative evidences of Thidreks saga's sources.
The scholar in literature, now emeritus professor, reminds us on the
subject that James Westfall Thompson has given the
fundamental characteristics of both narrative forms:
|
| »The medieval C h r o n i c l e
was neither a mere table of dates nor the representation of a time; it was
a detailed arrangement of events in the order of time. The medieval
|
A3 Edward R. Haymes' translation The Saga of Thidrek of Bern Haymes provides a verbatim translation of Thidreks saga. Thus, regarding any considerable difference between the Membrane and Old Swedish Didriks-krönikan, it will be no concern of Haymes' excellent work. |
His introduction to the translation
nonetheless considers scholars who apparently want to promulgate any medieval
manuscript including narration of hunting a deer or winning a bride as
unbelievable historical source. Haymes writes that the Thidreks saga in particular
seems to propagate an image of kingship based on the support of the nobility
and turns to suspect Artistic Achievement which, however,
might basically lose rational ground of reality when ascribing a numeral quantity
of a dozen to poetic dimension (notably Andersson). He is certainly right
in case of some evident incongruity the saga bears in the texts, but he would not
specify the major contradictions in the story apart from two different
deaths in King Osantrix’ vita.
[Incidentally, both Old Swedish MSS do not provide the second
death of Osantrix as given by ch 292 of the Membrane. Regarding
Sv 247 instead, that relates the battle at ‘Brandingaborg’, the Old Swedish
chronicler conveys this only notice on Osantrix:
'Osantrix king had a brother's son in Vilkinaland called Hernid. He was made King of Vilkinaland.'] Of course, there is some literary influence mainly of Greek antiquity (notably Roswitha Wisniewski) that contaminates the original purport of both the saga and the Old Swedish texts – just as the bulk of chronicles from or referring to Late Antiquity and Migration Era. Such amalgamation, however, can be recognized in the Thidreks saga, eg the birds advising Sigfrid to slay his foster father (cf Greek Augur and Melampus). |
Haymes furthermore notes conservative scholars
who obviously have no idea of neither Germanic Hunas nor linguistic origin of 'Ata-la',
who would not allow the historical roots and appearance of these ancient people in that
time Haymes rightly calls 'Period of Migration', who turn a blind eye to Frankish actions
of 6th century in that geographic area he already specifies as part of today’s Lower
Saxony. |
The history of editing Thidreks saga as provided
by Haymes follows current scholastic research. Nonetheless, we have to agree with
Theodore M. Andersson who justly understands the manuscripts essentially representing
a translation, though he obviously judges them a heterogeneous collection of heroic
epics. On the subject of geography, Haymes remarks William Pfaff’s excellent study
of geographical and ethnic names in the saga which, however, identifies for instance
'Drekanflis' as the Drachenfels on the Rhine – thus making unbelievable routes for
Didrik’s trip to the Osning! |
One of the most incredible points Haymes conveys
is scholarship’s opinion that the Swedish texts have to be regarded as translation of the
Norse saga, though he states that the Swedish version provides useful
information when the other sources disagree.
If he had explored the source he lists as Roswitha Wisniewski's
postdoctoral thesis under his
Select Bibliography even in this connection, he would have been able to conceive
the significance of her so-called 'Second Source' and draw his conclusions more exactly
against the work of Horst Pütz and other authors supporting the fundamental
position of Heinrich Beck, Susanne Kramarz-Bein and other scholars. William J. Pfaff,
another protector of some obsolete Germanistic bibliography about Thidreks saga
through Ritter’s research, contradicts to Westphalia as location of clerical recording of
historical events related to the vita of Dietrich von Bern which, however,
Roswitha Wisniewski tried to query as 'pseudo-chronicle'. Thus, the very difference
between Ritter and the encyclopaedists is that he indicates a fairly homogenous
rendition of history fitting in a Ripuarian and Lower Saxon lacuna of 5th to 6th century,
whilst other scholars ascribe the MSS of Thideks saga to fundamental poetry and/or very
suspect depiction of history. |
The treatise Ritter added as epilogue to his
translation of the Old Swedish MSS provides strong indication that the chronicle
Didrik af Bern cannot be a mere translation from Thidreks saga. As Ritter
points out in his book Die Nibelungen zogen nordwärts, for example, the
Swedish 'Haghen' cannot be taken from a Norse-Norwegian
source that spells 'Hogni', while 'Goroholth' may not represent a
translated 'Gernoz', 'Gislher' not result in 'Gyntar', as the original texts of the
Swedish scribes allow to conclude. The lingual pattern shining
through their work rather shows Danish than Norwegian influence of their source, as
Ritter cites Bengt Henning who found out that the so-called 'Norvagism'
are playing almost no role against the 'Danism' of remarkable quantity.
Henning nonetheless votes for Norse-Norwegian Thidreks saga as the source of
the Old Swedish scribes, but without any convincing argument or conclusion, as
Ritter comments Henning’s comprehensive work in the attachment to his translation. |
Thus, we can postulate another big source
which the Old Swedish scribes have been using besides the Old Norse-Norwegian
saga texts they certainly knew, too. Although that source, apparently basing on
the archaic manuscript brought to Norway, is physically missing, we consequently
have to consider strong indication that the writers of King Hákon IV were
working more willingly as translators of imported material. Roswitha Wisniewski
therefore rightly introduces her thesis that the source of the Nordic writers
came as comprehensive text from Lower Germany, as she reasonably votes for a
chronicler at Wedinghausen monastery near Soest ('Wadhincúsan', see
the author's contribution
Wadhincúsan, monasterium Ludewici). |
A4 Historicity of Vilkinaland The Old Swedish scribe of the Didriks chronicle has been also charged with ascribing Vilkinaland to Swedish territory. Einhard, 9th century author of the Vita Karoli Magni, regards the Welataben, an ethnic group identified with the Vilkinians, as historical tribe. More comprehensive research by other sources focussing Migration Era of 5th century provides their historical appearance on the Lower Elbe (South Jutland) and, thereafter migrated eastwards, in parts of Pomorze ('Pomerania'). These are the chapters of the Swedish chronicle giving geographical information about Vilkinaland: Sv 17.
Ritter localized Winland as German Wendland.
The ascription of 'Vilkinaland that is Thus, we are able to distinguish between the levels of early report and later edition. |
